id name iso_code glottocode phylum_id genus_id contributor_id source comments dialect latitude longitude head_dialect alternate_names deprecated 1 Greek (Standard) ell 3 9 2 Arvaniti, Amalia. 2007. Greek Phonetics: The State of the Art. Journal of Greek Linguistics 8: 97–208. 0 38.0 24.0 0 2 Rawang (Mutwang) raw 4 36 1 Morse, Robert H. 1963. Phonology of Rawang. Anthropological Linguistics 5.17–41; Morse, Stephen A. 1988. A Short Update on Rawang Phonology. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 11.120–132. 0 27.89462 97.69328 0 3 Ingush inh 5 48 2 Nichols, Johanna. 2011. Ingush grammar. Berkeley • Los Angeles • London: University of California Press For some speakers /ɔa/ is also phonemic. 0 43.2 44.8 0 4 Laz (Arhavi) lzz 6 50 2 Lacroix, René. 2009. Description du dialecte laze d’Arhavi (caucasique du sud, Turquie). Grammaire et textes. Université Lumière Lyon 2. École Doctorale : Lettres, Langues, Linguistique et Arts. Faculté des Lettres, Sciences du Langage et Arts Laboratoire Dynamique du Langage. /œ/, /y/ and /f/ are marginal. The following clusters are not found morpheme-initially, but arise when prefixes are attached: pʰtʃ, pʼtʃʼ, bdʒ, bdz, pʼtsʼ, pʼt̪ʼ, pʼkʼ, gb, gdz, kʼtsʼ, pʼt̪ʼkʼ, bdʒg, pʼtʃʼkʼ, pʰtʃv, pʰtʃχ, bdzg, bʒl, pʰtst̪ʰ, pʰt̪ʰχ, pʰts, pʰχɾ, kʼtʃʼkʼ, kʰχv 0 41.35 41.31 0 5 Kangjia kxs 7 55 1 Nugteren, Hans. 2011. Mongolic Phonology and the Qinghai-Gansu Languages. Utrecht: Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics / Landelijke (LOT) 0 35.93672 101.98152 0 6 Asturian (Western) ast 3 15 2 Arias, Álvaro. 2009. El asturiano: situación actual y caracterización fonológica y morfosintáctica. Minorized Languages in Europe. State and Survival, ed. por Josep R. Guzmán y Joan Verdegal, Santiago de Compostela & Brno: Compostela Group of Universities & Masaryk University Press, 234–265. 0 43.5 -6.2 0 7 Northeastern Thai (Ubon) tts 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. Vowel length was not investigated. 0 15.2286861 104.856 0 8 Achang (Lianghe) acn 4 32 1 Namkung, Ju. 1996. Phonological inventories of Tibeto-Burman languages. Berkley: Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus Project, Center for Southeast Asia Studies, University of California.1–2 0 24.641101 98.271662 0 9 Ahi yix 4 32 1 Namkung, Ju. 1996. Phonological inventories of Tibeto-Burman languages. Berkley: Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus Project, Center for Southeast Asia Studies, University of California.9–10 0 24.372092 103.705807 0 10 Min Dong Chinese (Fuzhou) cdo 4 38 1 Peng, Gongguan. 2011. A phonetic study of Fuzhou Chinese. Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong. http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk/handle/2031/6514. 0 26.074508 119.296494 0 11 Shixing sxg 4 17 1 Chirkova, Katia. 2009. Shixing, a Sino-Tibetan language of South-West China: A grammatical sketch with two appended texts. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman area.32.1.1-90. 0 28.278134 100.650617 0 12 Mara (Lakher) mrh 4 29 1 Michelle Arden. 2010. A Phonetic, Phonological, and Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Mara Language. MA thesis. San Jose State University. 0 22.229438 93.223042 0 13 Lisu (Flowery) lis 4 32 1 Bradley, David. 2003. Lisu. In LaPolla, Randy J., and Graham Thurgood (eds.) Sino-Tibetan Languages. London: Routledge, 222–235. 0 25.800055 98.856354 0 14 Scottish Gaelic (Lewis) gla 3 7 3 Ladefoged, Peter et al. 1998. Phonetic Structures of Scottish Gaelic. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 28: 1-41. 0 58.2185289 -6.4392309 0 15 Basque (Baztan) eus 10 71 2 Hualde, José Ignacio. 1991. Basque phonology. London: Routledge. /x/ is exceptional. 0 43.2 -1.5 0 16 Udihe (Bikin) ude 11 72 2 Nikolaeva, Irina; Tolskaya, Maria. 2001. A grammar of Udihe. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter /f/ and /tʃ/ are marginally phonemic. 0 46.54 135.36 0 17 Chechen (Ploskost) che 5 48 2 Nichols, Johanna. 1994. Chechen. The Indigenous languages of the Caucasus. Caravan Books, Delmar, NY; Магомедов, А.Г. 1974. Система гласных чечено-ингушского языка. Махачкала, Даг. ФАН СССР Nichols 1994 treats pharyngealization as a consonantal feature, while I opt for a segmental treatment. I do not include /æ/ (pharyngealized allophone of /e̞/ and shortened allophone of /e̞ː/). 0 43.12 45.73 0 18 Jèrriais (Eastern Jersey) nrf 3 15 2 Spence, N.C.W. 1985. Phonologie descriptive des parlers jersiais : II. les voyelles [suite]. Revue de linguistique romane 49; Spence, N.C.W. 1987. Phonologie descriptive des parlers jersiais : II. les consonnes [suite]. Revue de linguistique romane 51. /ŋ, wo, wɔː, øy̯, øːy̯, ɒːi̯/ are marginal. The list of onset clusters is hardly exhaustive. 0 49.2 -2.05 0 19 Kunigami (Nakijin) xug 13 84 2 Curry, Stewart A. 2004. Small linguistics: phonological history and lexical loans in Nakijin dialect Okinawan. University of Hawai'i 0 26.6825769 127.972628 0 20 Yongning Na (Mosuo) nru 4 33 1 Lidz, Liberty A. 2010. A descriptive grammar of Yongning Na (Mosuo). Ph.D. Thesis. University of Texas at Austin. Automatic glottal stop in case of a null onset. 0 27.76122 100.66282 0 21 Wakhi wbl 3 14 2 Пахалина, Т.Н. 1975. Ваханский язык. Москва: Наука 0 36.7167 71.7667 0 22 Northern Khanty (Kazym) kca 15 103 2 Каксин, А.Д. 2007. Казымский диалект хантыйского языка. Ханты-Мансийск: Полиграфист /b/, /g/, /d/, /ʒ/, /z/, /f/, /ts/, /tʃ/, /ɕː/ occur only in borrowings from Russian. 0 63.7 67.0 0 23 Buriat (Standard) bxr 7 54 2 Санжеев, Г.Д.; Бертагаев, Т.А.; Цыдендамбаев, Ц.Б. (eds.) 1962. Грамматика бурятского языка: фонетика и морфология. Москва: Издательство восточной литературы; Раднаева, Л.Д. (chief ed.) 2005. Звуковой фонетический словарь бурятского языка. Кафедра фонетики филологического факультета СПбГУ (http://www.speech.nw.ru/Buryats/project.html) 0 51.8 107.6 0 24 Hayu vay 4 28 1 Michailovsky, Boyd. 1981. Grammaire de la Langue Hayu (Népal). University of California, Berkeley. V — velar; B — bilabial. Length and nasality of vowels is distinctive only in first open syllables of polysyllabic words. 0 27.322848 86.080756 0 25 Aragonese (Chistabino) arg 3 15 2 Mott, Brian. 2007. Chistabino (Pyrenean Aragonese). Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 37, 103–114. 0 42.59 0.34 0 26 Swedish (Central) swe 3 8 3 Engstrand, Olle. 1990. Swedish. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 20(1). 42–44. "/p,t,k/ are aspirated in stressed position when not preceded by hi within the same morpheme. /t, d, n, s, l/ are dental... Long vowels are generally diphthongized, particularly the high ones: [ij, yɥ, uw, ʉ̟β]. Lip rounding differs between /y/ (""outrounded"") and /u, ʉ̟/ (""inrounded""). Consonants are long after short vowels in stressed position, and short after long vowels. Voiced consonants are frequently devoiced in voiceless context (Engstrand 1990: 43). Example tapes are available here: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swedish_phonology" 0 59.326142 17.9875455 0 27 Finnish (Standard) fin 15 96 2 Suomi, Kari; Toivanen, Juhani; Ylitalo, Riikka. 2008. Finnish sound structure: Phonetics, phonology, phonotactics and prosody. University of Oulu, Oulu. /b/, /g/, /ʃ/ occur in educated speakers. /ʔː/, /ŋ/, /d̺/ and /f/ might be absent. As to the finals, only /t̪/, /s/, /n̺/ are frequent. /m/ and /n̺s/ only occur word-finally in loanwords. If word-final vowel reduction is acknowledged, many more combinations are possible. Syllable-initial cluster occur exclusively in loanwords. 0 61.0 24.5 0 28 Arbëresh Albanian (Hora e Arbëreshëvet) aae 3 4 2 "Shkurtaj, Gjovalin. 2006. Ligjërimet arbëreshe. ""Gjuha e bukës"" dhe ""gjuha e zemrës"". Shqyrtime dialektologjike dhe sociolinguistike në ngulimet arbëreshe të Italisë. Tiranë" 0 38.0 13.28 0 29 Nepali npi 3 11 1 Riccardi, Theodore. 2003. Nepali. The Indo-Aryan Languages, ed. by Dhanesh Jain and George Cardona, 538–580. Routledge. 0 28.0 84.633333 0 30 Even (Ola) eve 11 72 1 Новикова, Клавдия Александровна. 1960. Очерки диалектов эвенского языка. Часть 1: ольский говор. Москва; Ленинград: Издательство АН СССР; Aralova, Natalia. 2015. Vowel harmony in two Even dialects: Production and perception. Ph.D. thesis. University of Amsterdam. The system is presented according to the interpretation in Aralova 2015. /ħ/ and /s̠/ are in complementary distribution (/ħ/ only word initially). /oː/ ‘is slightly diphthongoid and starts with a short [u]’ (p. 30). Vowel harmony is root based and governs the distribution of consonant allophones: ‘According to Novikova (1960), the vowel inventory is divided into two groups of vowels opposed by pharyngealization, namely the non-pharyngealized set /e eː i iː o oː u uː ie/ vs. the pharyngealized set /a aː ị ịː ọ ọː ụ ụː ịa/. <...> Novikova (1960: 74) notes a common tendency for all consonants to be retracted in the context of set 2 vowels. According to her, within a word containing set 2 vowels, labials become nasalized, dental stops get secondary dorsal articulation, and the velar voiceless stop becomes uvular. <...> The lateral approximant has a palatalized variant within the context of set 1 vowels and a velarized variant within the context of set 2 vowels.’ (p. 38–39) 0 59.569799 151.26588 0 31 Zuberoan Basque 10 71 2 Hualde, José Ignacio; Ortiz de Urbina, Jon. 2003. A grammar of Basque. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter 0 43.22 -0.89 0 32 Baima bqh 4 41 1 Chirkova, Ekaterina. 2005. Baima nominal postpositions and their etymology. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 28.1–41; Namkung, Ju. 1996. Phonological inventories of Tibeto-Burman languages. Berkley: Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus Project, Center for Southeast Asia Studies, University of California. 0 32.733 104.318 0 33 Kyrgyz (Standard) kir 16 107 2 Somfai Kara, Dávid. 2003. Kyrgyz. Lincom Europa 0 42.9 74.6 0 34 Yodzyak Komi 15 99 2 Лыткин, В.И. 1961. Коми-язьвинский диалект. Москва: Издательство Академии наук СССР /t̻s̻/, /f/, /rʲ/ are restricted to recent borrowings. 0 60.05 57.51 0 35 Dari prs 3 14 1 Baker, Adam. 2016. Dari (Afghan Persian). Journal of the International Phonetic Association 46,229–234. 0 34.555349 69.207486 0 36 Mehri (Oman) gdq 17 115 2 Rubin, Aaron D. 2010. The Mehri language of Oman. Leiden: Brill /ʑ, ʕ, ɛ, õː/ are marginal. 0 17.4 53.0 0 37 Godoberi gdo 5 45 2 Саидова, П.А. 1973. Годоберинский язык. Махачкала: Дагестанский филиал Академии наук СССР. Институт истории, языка и литературы имени Г. Цадасы /ẽ/, /õ/, /tːʰ/ and /lː/ are non-phonemic. 0 42.6386111 46.0083333 0 38 Frisian (West) fry 3 8 3 Sipma, Pieter. 1913. Phonology & grammar of modern West Frisian. London: Oxford University Press. /ʔ/ glottal explosive. Uttered before a stressed vowel or diphthong beginning the word, when used separately (Simpa 1913: 15). [ɣ] is an allophone of /g/ occurring intervocally. Long vowels often show a tendency to become slightly diphthongized... We may say that eː, oː, and øː are regularly a little diphthongized when final (Simpa 1913: 9). 0 53.2003137 5.8185041 0 39 Gujarati (Standard) guj 3 11 2 Mistry, P.J. 1997. Gujarati phonology. Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus), volume 1. Edited by: Alan S. Kaye. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns There might also be a marginal /z/. 0 23.0 72.5 0 40 Tamang (Dhankuta) 4 39 1 Poudel, Kedar Prasad. 2006. Dhankute Tamang grammar. Languages of the world 454. München: LINCOM EUROPA. The section on tone is not meaningful. According to the author, lexical tone is absent in Dhankute Tamang. However, some tonal phenomena are observed, but they are inadequately described. This grammar seems to be of a rather low quality and its data should be used with caution. 0 26.994423 87.332382 0 41 Vlax Romani (Mitrovica) rmy 3 11 2 Daniele Viktor Leggio. 2011. The dialect of the Mitrovica Roma. In: Romani Studies 5, Vol. 21, No. 1, 57–114. /ə/ and /ɨ/ are claimed to alternate freely with non-central vowels, but it appears that only certain lexemes allow this free variation. 0 42.8913909 20.8659995 0 42 Moksha (Standard) mdf 15 98 2 Бондарко, Л.В.; Полякова, О.Е. 1993. Современные мордовские языки. Фонетика. Саранск: Мордовское книжное издательство 0 54.2 44.5 0 43 Israeli Hebrew heb 17 113 1 Bolozky, Shmuel. 1997. Israeli Hebrew Phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 287–311. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. 0 31.768319 35.21371 0 44 Ket (Kellog) ket 18 116 2 Georg, Stefan. 2006. A descriptive grammar of Ket (Yenisei-Ostyak). Folkestone, Kent: Global Oriental. /p/ and /ɾ/ are marginally phonemicized. 0 62.5 86.3 0 45 Latgalian (Standard) ltg 3 6 2 Nau, Nicole. 2011. A short grammar of Latgalian. Languages of the World/Materials 482. München: Lincom Europa; Leikuma, Lidija. 2003. Latgalīšu volūda 1. Intensīvā mācību kursa materiāli. Sanktpēterburgas Valsts universitāte. /ɔː/ and /ɛː/ are rare. Of all tonal distinctions only stød remains. 0 56.55 26.93 0 46 Tatar (Standard) tat 16 107 2 Comrie, Bernard. 1997. Tatar (Volga Tatar, Kazan Tatar) phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 899–911. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns Palatalized consonants occur marginally in Russian borrowings, they are not listed above. /v/, /f/, /ts/, /tɕ/, /ɕː/, /ɨ/, /ɛ/, /ɔ/, /ä/ do not occur in native words. 0 55.79 49.13 0 47 Denjongka sip 4 41 1 Yliniemi, Juha-Sakari. 2005. Preliminary phonological analysis of Denjongka of Sikkim. M.A. thesis. University of Helsinki. http://www.doria.fi/handle/10024/4310. Initial clusters with glides. 0 27.311 88.469 0 48 Kannada (Standard) kan 12 81 1 Steever, Sanford B. 1998. Kannada. The Dravidian languages, ed. by Sanford B. Steever, 129–157. Routledge language family descriptions. London ; New York: Routledge. 0 12.2958104 76.6393805 0 49 Kapampangan (Balingcanaway) pam 14 91 2 Añoso, Edeline Pearl O. 2012. Analysis of the Kapampangan language of Balingcanaway, Tarlac City. Silang, Cavite: Cavite State University, Silang campus 0 15.4849912 120.680381 0 51 Nar-Phu (Nar) npa 4 39 1 Noonan, Michael. 2003. Nar-Phu. In LaPolla, Randy J., and Graham Thurgood (eds.) Sino-Tibetan Languages. London: Routledge, 336–353. Tones 12 & 31 murmured. 0 28.751606 84.106094 0 52 Mongghul (Huzhu Monguor) mjg 7 55 1 Nugteren, Hans. 2011. Mongolic Phonology and the Qinghai-Gansu Languages. Utrecht: Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics / Landelijke (LOT). 0 36.81643 101.9901 0 53 Gorum pcj 8 63 1 Anderson, Gregory D.S.; and Felix Rau. 2008. Gorum. The Munda Languages, ed. by Gregory D.S. Anderson, 381–433. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge. Gorum, uniquely among surrounding Munda languages, possesses creaky voice whose status is unresolved. Nasalised vowels may alternate with V+N in closed syllables where N is homorganic with the following consonant. 0 18.5639348 82.7374115 0 54 Betta Kurumba xub 12 81 2 Coelho, Gail Maria. 2003. A Grammar of Betta Kurumba. Austin: The University of Texas at Austin /f/ and /d/ occur only in borrowings. 0 11.58 76.58 0 55 Avar (Chadakolob) ava 5 45 1 Кибрик, А. Е.; и С. В. Кодзасов. 1990. Сопоставительное изучение дагестанских языков. Имя. Фонетика. Москва: МГУ. The tones contrast only in the stressed syllable. 0 42.191 46.32 0 56 Salar slr 16 105 2 Тенишев, Э.Р. 1976. Строй саларского языка. Москва: Наука 0 35.8482697 102.485915 0 57 Meadow Mari (Morki-Sernur) mhr 15 97 2 Галкин, И.С.; Исанбаев, Н.И.; Пенгитов, Н.Т.; Барцева З.Ф. (eds.) 1960. Современный марийский язык. Фонетика. Йошкар-Ола: Марийское книжное издательство /t̺s̺/, /ɸ/, /x/ might occur in borrowings in some speakers. 0 56.5 49.0 0 58 Gurung (Western) gvr 4 39 1 Glover, Warren W. 1974. Sememic and Grammatical Structures in Gurung (Nepal). Summer Institute of Linguistics; Namkung, Ju. 1996. Phonological inventories of Tibeto-Burman languages. Berkley: Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus Project, Center for Southeast Asia Studies, University of California. 0 28.333123 83.935676 0 59 Paiwan (Kulalao) pwn 14 90 2 Ferrell, Raleigh. 1982. Paiwan dictionary. Pacific linguistics. The Australian National University 0 22.5 120.8 0 60 Purki prx 4 41 1 Sharma, Devi D. 2004. Tribal Languages Of Ladakh, Part III (A Descriptive Grammar of Purki & Balti). New Delhi: Mittal Publications; Rangan, K. 1979. Purki grammar. Mysore: Central institute of Indian languages. F — fricative; S — stop. Both descriptions are of a low quality. An opposition of dental and alveolar stops and a series of long vowels is posited by Rangan, but not upheld by Sharma. The overall system of Sharma is hard to interpret because of confusing labels and glyphs — the system presented here is a synthesis. 0 34.557323 76.134013 0 61 Gheg Albanian (North-Eastern) aln 3 4 2 Klippenstein, Rachel. 2010. Word-initial consonant clusters in Albanian. OSUWPL Vol. 59, pp. 10–32. Ohio State University, Department of Linguistics; Camaj, Martin. 1984. Albanian grammar: with exercises, chrestomathy and glossaries. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrasowitz; Friedman, Victor A. Studies on Albanian and Other Balkan Language. Peja: Dukagjini. 2004. Long nasal vowels might still be phonemic. 0 42.7 21.3 0 62 Telugu (Vizianagaram) tel 12 82 1 Bhaskararao, Peri; and Arpita Ray. 2016. Telugu. Journal of the International Phonetic Association. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.1–11. doi:10.1017/S0025100316000207. 0 18.094831 83.406698 0 63 Abkhaz (Bzyb) abk 21 120 2 Бгажба, Х.С. 1964. Бзыбский диалект абхазского языка. Тбилиси: Издательство Академии наук Грузинской ССР. 0 43.1 40.6 0 64 Japhug 4 43 1 Jacques, Guillaume. 2004. Phonologie et morphologie du japhug (rGyalrong). Université Paris-Diderot-Paris VII. Ph.D. thesis. http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/13/85/68/PDF/these-japhug.pdf. Pitch accent rather than real tones. 0 32.19013 102.06143 0 65 Rusyn (Lemko) rue 3 16 2 Fontański, Henryk; Mirosława Chomiak. 1999. Gramatyka języka łemkowskiego. Ґраматыка лемківского языка. Katowice: Śląsk. 0 49.5 22.0 0 66 Temiar tea 8 56 1 Benjamin, Geoffrey. 1976. An Outline of Temiar Grammar. Austroasiatic Studies Part I, 129–187. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. 0 5.0 101.5 0 67 Tulu tcy 12 81 1 Bhat, D.N.S. 1998. Tulu. The Dravidian languages, ed. by Sanford B. Steever, 158–177. Routledge language family descriptions. London ; New York: Routledge. 0 12.87 74.88 0 68 Slovene (Standard) slv 3 16 2 Marc L. Greenberg. 2006. A Short Reference Grammar of Standard Slovene. University of Kansas The possible clusters are numerous. 0 46.1 14.5 0 69 Italian ita 3 15 3 Krämer, Martin. 2009. The Phonology of Italian. New York, Oxford University Press. The alveolar fricative does not contrast in voicing in northern Italian. The voiced fricative occurs in the vicinity of voiced stops and in word-internal intervocalic position. Elsewhere we find the voiceless form. In southern Italy, the alveolar fricative is voiceless in intervocalic position as well, while in the centre of the peninsula it shows some marginal contrast in intervocalic position (Kramer 2009: 46). ...contrastively long consonants occur, again, only word-internally. Word-initially, all consonants can only be short (except in the contexts to be discussed in section 7.3). The consonants [ts, dz, ʃ, ɲ, ʎ] are short (like all the other consonants) word-initially, but are always long word-internally. In word-initial position they are realized as long whenever preceded by a vowel. The voiced alveolar fricative [z], on the other hand, does not occur in long form (Kramer 2009: 47). Surface [ʃ] could then be the result of merging the manner feature of /s/ and the place feature of /tʃ/. If this procedure is generalized one might remove /ʃ/ from the inventory as well, assuming that all surface post-alveolar fricatives are derived from an illegal consonant cluster, such as /stʃ/, with the non-alternating instances of /ʃ/ taking a free ride on the alternating ones (Kramer 2009: 49). All seven vowels occur as long and short, depending on their position in the prosodic structure. It is even arguable that speakers distinguish three degrees of length. The length of a vowel, however, is completely predictable by its position (Kramer 2009: 51). A closer look at the less problematic diphthongs demonstrates that they actually are combinations of segments and that any restrictions on the inventory of diphthongs are not restrictions on the inventory of (contrastive) segments, but rather restrictions on the combinatorial options within higher units of organization than the segment (Kramer 2009: 52). 0 41.9100711 12.5359979 0 70 Ersu ers 4 37 1 Chirkova, Katia; Dehe Wang; Yiya Chen; Angélique Amelot; and Tanja Kocjančič Antolík. 2015. Ersu. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 45.187–211. Clusters with initial nasals were analysed as phonemes. The language seems to have sesquisyllables (called ‘clusters with a schwa-like segment’ in the paper). The fricative vowels are transcribed as /z̩/ and /v̩/ in the paper — the former was transcribed following the convention for Mandarin Chinese and other languages of the region, while the latter was treated as the rounded version of the former since ‘The two are differentiated by the configuration of the lips: spread for /z̩/ and rounded for /v̩/’. 0 28.866137 102.625889 0 71 Hinuq gin 5 49 1 Forker, Diana. A Grammar of Hinuq. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter Mouton, 2013. Labialised segments are not encountered word finally. Plain voiceless consonants show slight aspiration and pre-aspiration. 0 42.175646 45.989282 0 72 Andi ani 5 45 1 Кибрик, А. Е.; и С. В. Кодзасов. 1990. Сопоставительное изучение дагестанских языков. Имя. Фонетика. Москва: МГУ. 0 42.785123 46.26135 0 73 Cebuano ceb 14 91 2 Rubrico, Jessie Grace U. 1998. Cebuano grammar notes. Language Links 0 10.3 123.9 0 74 Mongolian (Khalkha) mon 7 54 2 Тодаева, Б.Х. 1951. Грамматика современного монгольского языка. Фонетика и морфология. Москва: Издательство Академии наук СССР 0 48.0 107.0 0 75 Ladakhi (Leh) lbj 4 41 1 Koshal, Sanyukta. 1979. Ladakhi grammar. Delhi; Varanasi; Patra: Motilal Banarsidass. 0 31.578709 77.168508 0 76 Kyirong Tibetan kgy 4 41 1 Hall, T. Alan; and Kristine A. Hildebrandt. 2008. Phonological and morphological domains in Kyirong Tibetan. Linguistics 46.215–248. Initial clusters consisting of bilabials coupled with [r] or [j] (xpt [bj]). 0 28.854444 85.296667 0 77 Tamil tam 12 81 1 Annamalai, E.; and Sanford B. Steever. 1998. Modern Tamil. The Dravidian languages, ed. by Sanford B. Steever, 100–128. Routledge language family descriptions. London ; New York: Routledge. “In the spoken language, virtually all words end in vowels, while in the literary language, words may end in certain nasals and liquids as well” (103). 0 13.0826802 80.2707184 0 78 Judaeo-Spanish (Beiruti) lad 3 15 2 Taylor, Dorothy-Ann. 1969. A study of the Beirut dialect of Judeo-Spanish as spoken by one informant. Vancouver: University of British Columbia 0 33.8886289 35.4954794 0 79 Komi-Permyak koi 15 99 2 Майшев, И.И. 1940. Грамматика коми-пермяцкого языка. Москва — Ленинград: Издательство Академии наук СССР /t̻s̻/, /f/, /rʲ/, /x/ are restricted to recent borrowings. /l/ and /v/ are not contrasted syllable-finally. 0 59.9 55.0 0 80 Kuvi kxv 12 82 2 Israel, M. 1979. A grammar of the Kuvi languages. Madurai: Sangnam Printers /ŋ/ is marginal. 0 18.8 82.9 0 81 French fra 3 15 3 Fougeron, Cécile & Smith, Caroline L. 1993. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 23(2). 73–76. “Word-final consonants are always released, and in keeping with a general favouring of open syllables, they are usually resyllabified as onsets when followed by a vowel-initial word (enchainement). Underlying word-final consonants that are not pronounced before a consonant, are pronounced only when preceding a vowel in the same rhythmic group. This process, known as liaison, also contributes to this canonical open-syllable pattern” (Fougeron, Smith 1993). 0 48.8588589 2.3470599 0 82 Darma drd 4 24 1 Willis, Christina Marie. 2007. A descriptive grammar of Darma: an endangered Tibeto-Burman language. University of Texas at Austin. 0 30.319269 80.730618 0 83 Latvian (Standard) lvs 3 6 2 Balode, Laimute; Holvoet, Axel. 2001. The Latvian language and its dialects. Circum-Baltic Languages. Volume I: Past and Present, 3–40. John Benjamins Publishing Company: Amsterdam/Philadelphia. Also the broken tone is present. 0 56.9 24.1 0 84 Kham Tibetan 4 41 1 Ray, Punya Sloka. 1965. Kham Phonology. Journal of the American Oriental Society 85.336–342. 0 31.47853 99.95257 0 85 Ter Saami sjt 15 101 2 Терешкин, С.Н. 2002. Йоканьгский диалект саамского языка. Санкт-Петербург: Российский государственный педагогический институт имени А.И. Герцена 0 68.05 31.51 0 86 Northern Mansi (Sośva) mns 15 103 2 Riese, Timothy. 2001. Vogul. Languages of the World/Materials 158 0 64.0 65.0 0 87 Udmurt (Standard) udm 15 99 2 Перевощиков, П.Н. (ed.) 1962. Грамматика современного удмуртского языка. Фонетика и морфология. Ижевск: Удмуртское книжное издательство /t̻s̻/, /f/, /x/ are restricted to recent borrowings. Dentals are actually denti-alveolar. 0 56.8 53.2 0 88 Shigatse Tibetan 4 41 1 Haller, Felix. 2000. Dialekt und Erzählungen von Shigatse. Beiträge zur tibetischen Erzählforschung Bd. 13. Bonn: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag. 0 29.266667 88.883333 0 89 Eastern Khanty (Vakh) 15 103 2 Терешкин, Н.И. 1967. Ваховский диалект хантыйского языка (фонетика и морфология). Ленинград: Институт языкознания Академии наук СССР 0 61.0 77.0 0 90 Tuvan (Standard) tyv 16 108 2 Исхаков, Ф.Г.; Пальмбах, А.А. 1961. Грамматика тувинского языка (фонетика и морфология). Москва: Издательство восточной литературы Pharyngealized vowels are also described as low-pitch vowels. 0 51.7 94.4 0 91 Kalmyk (Standard) xal 7 54 2 Санжеев, Г.Д. 1940. Грамматика калмыцкого языка. Москва/Ленинград: Издательство Академии наук СССР 0 46.3 44.3 0 92 Korean (Seoul) kor 22 122 2 Lee, H.B. 1989. Korean grammar. Oxford University Press Plain non-aspirated plosives are also called 'tense'; they trigger tone distinctions on following vowels. The usage of the vowel length is decreasing in Seoul; all /e̞/, /eː/, /ɛ̝/, /ɛː/ merge in many speakers. 0 37.5 127.0 0 93 Elfdalian ovd 3 8 2 Sapir, Yair. 2005. Elfdalian, the Vernacular of Övdaln. In Gunnar Nyström Nyström (ed.). Fuost konferensn um övdalskų / Första konferensen om älvdalska. In some parts of Övdaln, /ɛ̃/ and /ɛ̃ː/ are realized as [æ̃] and [æ̃ː]. In some parts of Övdaln, /o̞/ and /ɔ̞̃/ are realized as [u] and [ũ] (probably the same is valid for long vowels). /õ̞, õ̞ː/ and /ɔ̞̃, ɔ̞̃ː/ are also regionally distributed. /uo, ũo, uoː, ũoː/ are pronounced as [ʏæ, ʏæ̃, ʏæː, ʏæ̃ː] in some vernaculars. In some villages /l̥/ is pronounced as [sl]. /ð/ and /r/ merge into /r/ regionally. /h/ occurs in some proper names and loanwords. 0 61.23 14.04 0 94 Urdu urd 3 11 2 Alan S. Kaye. 1997 Hindi-Urdu phonology. Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus), volume 1. Edited by: Alan S. Kaye. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns 0 25.0 67.0 0 95 Russian (Standard) rus 3 16 1 Yanushevskaya, Irena; and Daniel Bunčić. 2015. Russian. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 45.221–228. Retroflex sounds were transcribed as /ʃ, ʒ/ in the main table in the source; /tɕ/ was transcribed as /tʃʲ/ and /ɕː/ as /ʃʲ/. Retroflex and alveolo-palatal interpretation for fricatives was mentioned in the text; /tɕ/ was intoduced based on the literature and introspection. 0 55.7 37.5 0 96 Pnar pbv 8 59 1 Ring, Hiram. 2011. A phonetic description and phonemic analysis of Jowai-Pnar. Mon-Khmer Studies 40.133–175. 0 25.530839 92.287216 0 97 Hmong Njua (Green Hmong) hnj 23 124 1 "Mortensen, David. ""Preliminaries to Mong Leng (Hmong Njua) Phonology."" (2004) Unpublished, UC Berkeley. (http://www.davidmortensen.org/papers/mong_leng_phonology.pdf, accessed 2014.09.05)." 0 19.430668 103.531051 0 98 Livonian (Vidzeme) liv 15 96 2 Moseley, Christopher. 2002. Livonian. Languages of the World/Materials 144. Lincom Europa 0 57.7 22.5 0 99 Lizu 4 37 1 Chirkova, Katia; and Yiya Chen. 2013. Lizu. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 43.75–86. 0 28.343583 101.344917 0 100 Mah Meri mhe 8 56 1 Kruspe, Nicole; and John Hajek. 2009. Mah Meri. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 39.241–248. 0 2.634804 101.72108 0 101 Bhojpuri bho 3 11 1 Verma, Mahindra K. 2003. Bhojpuri. The Indo-Aryan Languages, ed. by Dhanesh Jain and George Cardona. Routledge. 0 25.466155 84.5222189 0 102 Muria Gondi mut 12 82 1 Steever, Sanford B. 1998. Gondi. The Dravidian languages, ed. by Sanford B. Steever, 270–297. Routledge language family descriptions. London ; New York: Routledge. 0 19.1071317 81.9534815 0 103 Skolt Saami (Suõʹnnʼjel) sms 15 101 2 Feist, Timothy. 2010. A grammar of Skolt Saami. Manchester, UK: The University of Manchester /f/ is restricted to loanwords. /ø/ and /y/ might also be marginally included. Palatalization might be analyzed as a suprasegmental feature (in this case the palatalized consonants, /ç/, /e/, /ue/, /ie/, /ii/, /ui/ are to be removed from the table). Both vowels and consonants have three phonemic lengths, but this can be alternatively analyzed segmentally or prosodically. Preaspiration is not phonemic. 0 68.5 29.5 0 104 Hakka Chinese hak 4 38 1 Lee, Wai-Sum; and Eric Zee. 2009. Hakka Chinese. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 39.107–111; Hashimoto, Mantaro J. 1973. The Hakka Dialect: A Linguistic Study of Its Phonology, Syntax and Lexicon. Cambridge University Press. 0 24.321389 116.119444 0 105 Burushaski (Hunza) bsk 28 132 2 Anderson, Gregory D.S. 1997. Burushaski phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 1021–1041. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. The previously postulated tonal distinctions are now considered to be moraic stress. 0 36.33 74.66 0 106 Standard Chinese (Beijing) cmn 4 38 1 Lee, Wai-Sum; and Eric Zee. 2003. Standard Chinese (Beijing). Journal of the International Phonetic Association 33.109–112. 0 39.90403 116.4075 0 107 Southern Balochi bcc 3 14 2 Elfenbein, Josef. 1997. Balochi phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 761–776. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns /f/, /q/, /ʔ/ are found in careful educated speech. 0 25.2 62.3 0 108 Walungge ola 4 41 1 Bartram, Cathryn Virginia. 2011. An investigation of tone in Walungge. School of Oriental and African Studies. http://core.kmi.open.ac.uk/download/pdf/9427212.pdf. “Apart from suffixes (e.g. /3i/ ‘POSS’, which are not of themselves phonological words (see 5.4.1)), no words have be found with a short vowel nucleus and neither onset nor coda.” (p. 79) 0 27.79252 87.835522 0 109 Munji mnj 3 14 2 Грюнберг, А.Л. 1972. Языки восточного Гиндукуша. Мунджанский язык. Ленинград: Наука, Ленинградское отделение /q/, /χ/, /h/, /a/ are only found in borrowings. 0 35.5945317 70.6146942 0 110 Alutor alr 24 127 2 Кибрик, А.Е., Кодзасов, С.В., Муравьёва И.А. 2000. Язык и фольклор алюторцев. Москва: ИМЛИ РАН Наследие /o̞̜/ and /e̞/ might also be marginal phonemes. 0 60.2 165.5 0 111 Soutern Tai (Nakhon Si Thammarat) sou 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. 0 8.4303975 99.963 0 112 Assamese (Standard) asm 3 11 1 Goswami, G.C.; and Jyoprakash Tamuli. 2003. Asamiya. The Indo-Aryan Languages, ed. by Dhanesh Jain and George Cardona, 391–443. Routledge. 0 26.1445169 91.7362365 0 113 Adyghe ady 21 121 1 Arkadʹev, P. M., and Ya. G. Testelet︠s︡ (eds.) 2009. Aspekty polisintetizma: ocherki po grammatike adygeĭskogo iazyka. Moskva: RGGU. 0 45.016459 40.23273 0 114 Lezgian (Güne) lez 5 47 2 Haspelmath, Martin. 1995. A Grammar of Lezgian. The Hague: Mouton de Gruyter. Palatalized consonants and word-initial clusters only exist as a result of T = voiceless obstruent D = obstruent that is not voiceless, non-ejective and non-aspirated S = voiceless fricative K = voiceless non-ejective non-aspirated obstruent M = sonorant 0 41.6 48.3 0 115 Lak (Kumux) lbe 5 46 2 Anderson, Gregory D.S. 1997. Lak phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 973–997. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. 0 42.17 47.12 0 116 Erzya (Standard) myv 15 98 2 Rueter, Jack. 2010. Adnominal person in the morphological system of Erzya. Helsinki: Société Finno-Ougrienne 0 54.5 46.0 0 117 Wymysorys wym 3 8 2 Ritchie, Carlo. 2012. Some considerations on the origins of Wymysorys. Sydney: University of Sydney 0 49.9166289 19.1520875 0 118 Ukrainian (Standard) ukr 3 16 2 Buk, Solomija; Mačutek, Ján; Rovenchak, Andrij. 2008. Some properties of the Ukrainian writing system. (http://arxiv.org/ftp/arxiv/papers/0802/0802.4198.pdf) 0 50.0 31.5 1 119 Forest Nenets 15 102 2 Salminen, Tapani. 2007. Notes on Forest Nenets phonology. // Sámit, sánit, sátnehámit. Riepmočála Pekka Sammallahtii miessemánu 21. beaivve 2007. Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia = Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 253. Helsinki /r/ is restricted to recent borrowings; /o̞/ and /e̞/ are rather marginal. /ə̆/ is probably better understood as a suprasegmental element. 0 64.9 77.8 0 120 Ishkashimi isk 3 14 2 Пахалина, Т.Н. 1959. Ишкашимский язык. Очерк фонетики и грамматики. Тексты и словарь. Москва: Издательство Академии наук СССР /h/ is a recent innovation. /ɭ/ is not used by all speakers. 0 36.727222 71.611667 0 121 Juhuri jdt 3 14 2 Authier, Gilles. 2012. Grammaire juhuri, ou judéo-tat, langue iranienne du Caucase de l'est. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2012; Дадашев, Михаил. 2006. Русско-татский (горско-еврейский) словарь. Гофноме эз уруси э жугьури. Москва: Собрание /ɨ/ and /f/ are for some reason missing from Authier 2012. 0 42.0674251 48.2890907 Judeo-Tat 0 122 Northern Thai (Chieng Mai) nod 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. Vowel length was not investigated. 0 18.787747 98.993128 0 123 Eastern Mari 15 97 2 Галкин, И.С.; Исанбаев, Н.И.; Пенгитов, Н.Т.; Барцева З.Ф. (eds.) 1960. Современный марийский язык. Фонетика. Йошкар-Ола: Марийское книжное издательство 0 56.9 51.0 0 124 Themchen Tibetan 4 41 1 Haller, Felix. 2004. Dialekt und Erzählungen von Themchen: sprachwissenschaftliche Beschreibung eines Nomadendialektes aus Nord-Amdo. Beiträge zur tibetischen Erzählforschung Bd. 14. Bonn: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag. 0 37.437613 98.936179 0 125 Norwegian (Standard Østnorsk) nor 3 8 3 Kristoffersen, Gjert. 2000. The Phonology of Norwegian. New York, Oxford University Press. An important point about the distribution of schwa in UEN is that stress reduction in Norwegian may not neutralize all vowels in schwa, as in English and Dutch; only /e/ may systematically alternate with schwa in stress reduction. This suggests that schwa should not be seen as an independent segment, but as a realizational variant of /e/ (Kristoffersen 2000: 21). 0 59.8938549 10.7851165 0 126 Central Khmer khm 8 60 1 Haiman, John. 2011. Cambodian: Khmer. London Oriental and African language library v. 16. Amsterdam ; Philadelphia: John Benjamins Pub. Co.; Wayland, Ratree. 1998. An acoustic study of Battambang Khmer vowels. Mon-Khmer Studies 28.43–62. When the vowel nucleus is short, there has to be a final consonant. 0 13.0286971 102.9896 0 127 Northern Altai (Kumandy) atv 16 104 2 Селютина, И.Я. 2000. Фонетика языка кумандинцев как историко-лингвистический источник (экспериментально-фонетическое исследование). Якутск: Российская академия наук, Академия наук Республики Саха (Якутия), Институт гуманитарных исследований Long vowels are pharyngealized in some words, it is unclear if this distinction is phonemic. 0 52.5 86.5 0 128 Nangchenpa Tibetan 4 41 1 Causemann, Margret. 1989. Dialekt und Erzählungen der Nangchenpas. Beiträge zur tibetischen Erzählforschung Bd. 11. Bonn: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag. Pre-glottalised vowels were interpreted as biphonemic sequences following the source. Pre-nasalised and pre-glottalised consonantal segments are treated as biphonemic in the source. Breathy voice is ascribed both to some vowels and some consonantal segments — the full repertoire of breathy vowels was not given and may be exaggerated. Tone is predictable from voice and phonation. A full list of licit finals was not given. 0 32.206954 96.170717 0 129 Forest Enets enf 15 102 2 Künnap, Ago. 1999. Enets. Language of the World/Materials 186. Lincom Europa 0 68.7 86.3 0 130 Humla Bhotia hut 4 41 1 Wilde, Christopher P. 2001. Preliminary phonological analysis of the Limi dialect of Humla Bhotia. M.A. Thesis. University of Helsinki. http://doria17-kk.lib.helsinki.fi/handle/10024/5706. Initial clusters with [w]. 0 30.307 81.649 0 131 Shan (Hsi Paw) shn 9 70 1 Gedney, William J. 1994. Southwestern Tai dialects: glossaries, texts and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 42. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan. Initial clusters were not investigated. 0 22.6236316 97.3 0 132 Phu Tai (Phanna Nikhom) pht 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. Vowel length was not investigated. 0 17.323306 103.868 0 133 Thakali ths 4 39 1 Georg, Stefan. 1996. Marphatan Thakali: Untersuchungen zur Sprache des Dorfes Marpha im Oberen Kāli-Gaṇḍaki-Tal/Nepal. LINCOM studies in Asian linguistics 2. München [i.e.] Unterschleissheim: LINCOM Europa. 0 28.79 83.68 0 134 Tai Nuea tdd 9 70 1 Gedney, W. J. (1976). Notes on Tai Nuea. In Gething, T. W. (Ed.). Tai linguistics in honor of Fang-Kuei Li. Chulalongkorn University Press, 62-102. 0 24.119 100.0 0 135 Najdi Arabic ars 17 112 1 Ingham, Bruce. 1994. Najdi Arabic: Central Arabian. Amsterdam; Philadelphia: J. Benjamins Pub. Co. 0 24.962309 45.770789 0 136 Korku kfq 8 63 1 Zide, Norman H. 2008. Korku. The Munda Languages, ed. by Gregory D.S. Anderson, 256–298. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge. "Some residual tonal contrasts are attested: ""...where a name ends in a vowel, the only morphological indicator of genitivity is the low tone..."" (258)." 0 21.3498094 77.49529 0 137 Uyghur (Xinjiang) uig 16 106 2 Comrie, Bernard. 1997. Uyghur phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 913–925. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. /f/, /v/, /ts/, /ɕː/ may or may not be fully nativized. 0 43.8 87.6 0 138 Estonian (Standard) ekk 15 96 2 Hebedová, Petra. 2013. Stručná gramatika estonštiny. Masarykova univerzita, Brno. Initial clusters are resticted to borrowings and onomatopoeia. /ʃ/ and /f/ are only found in borrowings. Palatalization is stronger in the initial part of the consonants. Half-long, long and overlong vowels and consonants might be treated either as biphonemic sequences or prosodically depending on the analysis. 0 59.4 24.7 1 139 Dzongkha dzo 4 41 1 Michailovsky, Boyd; and Martine Mazaudon. 1989. Lost syllables and tone contour in Dzongkha (Bhutan). In Sprigg, Richard Keith, David Bradley, Eugénie J. A. Henderson, and Martine Mazaudon (eds.) Prosodic analysis and Asian linguistics: to honour R.K. Sprigg. Canberra, A.C.T., Australia: Dept. of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 115–136. Initial clusters consisting of bilabials coupled with [tɕ, tɕʰ, dʑ] (with voice harmony). Low tone coincides with breathy voice on the vowel. 0 27.466667 89.641667 0 140 gLo Tibetan loy 4 41 1 Nagano, Yasuhiko. 1982. A Historical Study of gLo Tibetan. Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 7.472–513. 0 29.19537 83.94885 0 141 Nivkh (West Sakhalin) niv 28 132 2 Shiraishi, Hidetoshi. 2006. Topics in Nivkh phonology. Groningen Dissertations in Linguistics 61 0 53.3 141.8 0 142 Bats bbl 5 48 2 Дешериев, Ю.Д. 1953. Бацбийский язык. Фонетика, морфология, синтаксис, лексика. Москва: Издательство Академии наук СССР 0 42.0436409 45.3048537 0 143 Balti (Kharkoo) bft 4 41 1 Bielmeier, Roland. 1985. Das Märchen vom Prinzen Čobzaṅ: eine tibetische Erzählung aus Baltistan : Text, Übersetzung, Grammatik und westtibetisch vergleichendes Glossar. Beiträge zur tibetischen Erzählforschung 6. VGH Wissenschaftsverlag. G — glide. 0 35.241096 76.238221 0 144 Breton (Bothoa) bre 3 7 3 Iosad, Pavel. 2012. Representation and variation in substance-free phonology: A case study in Celtic. A dissertation submitted for the degree of Philosophiæ Doctor. University of Tromsø, Center for Advanced Study in Theoretical Linguistics. 0 48.33478 -3.16123 0 145 Ksingmul puo 8 62 2 Солнцев В.М., Хоанг Туэ (eds.). 1990. Материалы советско-вьетнамской лингвистической экспедиции 1979 года. Москва: Наука 0 20.9828912 104.181469 0 146 Portuguese (Estremenho) por 3 15 2 Emiliano, António. 2009. Fonética do português europeu: descrição e transcrição. Lisboa: Guimarães. Syllable-coda /p/, /b/, /t̪/, /d̪/, /k/, /g/, /f/, /ks/, /n̪/ are marginal; only /ʃ/, /ʒ/, /ɫ/, /ɾ/ normally occur in this position. /ä̃/ occurs as a result of sandhi. /ʁ/ is [ʀ] in some speakers, [r] is dated. /w/ and especially /j/ might variate freely with /u/ and /i/ respectively. /ɫ/ is velarized more heavily in the coda position, less heavily before front vowels. /ɯ̽/ and /ə/ are never stressed. /ũ̯/, /ĩ̯/ agree in nasality with preceding vowels. /ɐ/ is found in stressed position before nasals (where it marginally contrasts with /ä/ in 1Pl markers) and alveo-palatals/palatals (not contrasting with /e/ and /ɛ/). 0 39.0 -9.0 0 147 Burmese (Rangoon) mya 4 32 1 Watkins, Justin W. 2001. Burmese. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 31.2.291–295 0 16.780833 96.149722 0 148 Svan (Upper Bal) sva 6 51 2 Tuite, Kevin. 1998. A short descriptive grammar of the Svan language. Université de Montréal. Some other sources also record /e:/, /ɢ/, /ʔ/, /f/ and /v/ as separate phonemes. /ɯ/ might be realized as [ɤ], [ə] or [ɨ]. Although there are restirctions of initial clusters, heavy final clusters are tolerated (χɔsgwdʒ 'I ordered sb', äχɛqʰwsg 'you stole up on sb'). 0 43.0 42.7 0 149 Mangghuer (Minhe Monguor) mjg 7 55 1 Nugteren, Hans. 2011. Mongolic Phonology and the Qinghai-Gansu Languages. Utrecht: Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics / Landelijke (LOT) 0 36.2401 102.80565 0 150 Rājbanshi rjs 3 11 2 Wilde, Christopher P. 2008. A sketch of the phonology and grammar of Rājbanshi. Helsinki: Helsinki University Print Nasalization is barely phonemic but it occurs systematically in some pronouns and few other words (बाँस [bæ̃s] 'bamboo', घाँस [gʱæ̃s] 'grass', साँप [sæ̃p] 'serpent'). 0 26.5 87.8 0 151 Faroese fao 3 8 3 Barnes, Michael P. & Eivind Weyhe. 1994. Icelandic. The Germanic Languages (eds.: König, Ekkehard; van der Auwera, Johan), 142-189. London: Routledge. Faroese has the same syllabic structure as most other forms of Scandinavian except Danish. In lexical pronunciation stressed syllables are long (V:, V:C, VC: or VCC - note, however, the clusters /pi, pr, tr, kl, kr/, where the preceding vowel is long) and unstressed are short (Barnes & Weyhe 1994: 190). Attempts have been made to present length as allophonic, but the corollary seems to be that length in consonants must then be regarded as phonemic, so little is gained in the way of economy (Barnes & Weyhe 1994: 190). /b, d, g/ are voiced, lax and unaspirated; however, the voicing is at best weak and sometimes absent (especially in word- or sentence-final position - but that is a characteristic of most voiced consonants) (Barnes & Weyhe 1994: 193). 0 62.0151195 -6.7998076 0 152 Czech (Bohemian) ces 3 16 2 Šárka Šimáčková; Václav Jonáš Podlipský; Kateřina Chládková. 2012. Czech spoken in Bohemia and Moravia. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 42/2 0 50.0 14.5 0 153 Nyinpa Cone cda 4 41 1 Jacques, Guillaume. 2011. A phonological profile of Cone, ms. http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00632301. 0 34.45727 103.08387 0 154 Turkish (Standard) tur 16 105 2 Göksel, Aslı; Kerslake, Celia. 2005. Turkish: a comprehensive grammar. London and New York: Routledge 0 41.0 29.0 0 155 Mundari unr 8 63 1 Osada, Toshiki. 2008. Mundari. The Munda Languages, ed. by Gregory D.S. Anderson, 99–164. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge. 0 23.0 85.2 0 156 Brahui (Sarāwān) brh 12 74 2 "Andronov, M.S. 1980. The Brahui language. Moscow: ""Nauka"" publishing house, Central Department of Oriental Literature; Elfenbein, Josef. 1997. Brahui phonology. Phonologies of Asia and Africa (Including the Caucasus), volume 1. Eds: Alan S. Kaye. Winona Lake, Indiana: EISENBRAUNS" Nasalized vowels and /ɛ/ are marginal. 0 29.0 66.6 0 157 Lue (Chieng Hung) khb 9 70 1 Hudak, Thomas J. 1996. William J. Gedney’s The Lue language: glossary, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 44. Ann Arbor: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan. 0 21.983 100.817 0 158 Romanian (Standard) ron 3 15 2 Chițoran, Ioana. 2001. The Phonology of Romanian: A Constraint-based Approach. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter /e̯o̞/ and /e̯o̯ä/ might also be included. In French and German borrowings, /œ/, /ɵ/, /ø/ and /y/ are marginally found. 0 44.0 26.0 0 159 Northwestern Pashto 3 14 2 Elfenbein, Josef. 1997. Pashto phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 733–760. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns 0 34.4 70.4 0 160 Nyaw (Uthen) nyw 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. Wovel length was not investigated. 0 17.556944 104.6125 0 161 Hungarian (Standard) hun 15 103 2 Gósy, Mária. 2004. Fonetika, a beszéd tudománya. Budapest: Osiris Kiadó /j/ has allophones [ʝ] and [ç] in certain environments. /h/ may become [ɦ], [ç], [x]. /ä/ is restricted to recent borrowings. /c/, /ɟ/ are sometimes described as /cç/, /ɟʝ/. 0 47.5 19.0 0 162 South Azerbaijani (Tabriz) azb 16 105 2 Karimzad, Farzad. 2015. The sound system of Tabrizi Azeri. Urbana–Champaign: University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign, IL. /k/ is marginal. 0 38.1 46.3 0 163 Tay Daeng tyr 9 70 1 Ferlus, Michel. 2008. The Tai dialects of Nghệ An, Vietnam (Tay Daeng, Tay Yo, Tay Muong). In Anthony Diller, Jerold A. Edmondson & Luo Yongxian (eds.), The Tai-Kadai languages, 298–316. London & New York: Routledge. 0 19.0130593 104.79877 0 164 Karata kpt 5 45 2 მაჰომედბეკოვა, ზ. 1971. კარატული ენა. გრამატიკული ანალიზი, ტექსტები, ლექსიკონი. თბილისი 0 42.5969703 46.3340785 0 165 Santali sat 8 63 1 Ghosh, Arun. 2008. Santali. The Munda Languages, ed. by Gregory D.S. Anderson, 11–98. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge. 0 23.6101808 85.2799354 0 166 Luxembourgish ltz 3 8 3 Gilles, Peter & Jürgen Trouvain. 2013. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 43(1). 67–74. Similar to Standard German, voiced obstruents cannot occur syllable-finally and will be devoiced (‘Auslautverhärtung’). Likewise, the voiceless plosives [p t k] are aspirated in most positions. The phonologically voiced plosives [b d ɡ] are in fact often realized as devoiced plosives. Thus, the phonological opposition is established by a fortis/lenis distinction... Among the fricatives, [χ] and [ɕ] are allophones of one single phoneme /χ/. The same holds for their voiced counterparts [ʁ] and [ʑ] with the latter allophone appearing only in a few words, however... From a phonemic perspective, the vowel /eː/ has two contextually conditioned allophones: when preceded by the vibrant /r/ in simplex words an open [ɛː] is realized (Kär [kɛːə] ‘core’); in all other contexts a closed [eː] (Keess [keːs] ‘cash register’) is realized... The short vowels [ə] and [e] are complementarily distributed allophones of the same phoneme /e/. [e] (with a more open [ɛ] alternative realization) appears only before velar consonants as in Méck [mek] ‘fly’ or zéng [ʦeŋ] ‘ten’, whereas [ə] appears in all other positions. Luxembourgish schwa is realized frequently with light lip rounding and – compared to [e] – this vowel is strongly centralized... Similar to Standard German, secondary diphthongs arise after vocalization of tautosyllabic /r/ after long monophthongs. 0 49.8152995 6.13332 0 167 Maltese (Standard) mlt 17 112 2 Borg, Alexander. 1997. Maltese phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 245–286. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns 0 35.9 14.5 0 168 Nuosu (Black Yi) iii 4 32 1 Fu, Maoji. 1997. A descriptive grammar of Lolo. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 20.1–242. Original entry included /z̩, ʐ̩/ (duplicates for apical vowels). Recheck. 0 27.894 102.264 0 169 Pite Saami sje 15 101 2 Wilbur, Joshua. 2014. A grammar of Pite Saami. Berlin: Language Science Press /ð/ and /ðː/ are substituted by /t/, /tː/ or /r/, /rː/ in most speakers. 0 66.58 16.35 0 170 Modern Aramaic (Northeastern) 17 113 1 Hoberman, Robert D. Modern Aramaic Phonology. 1997. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 313–335. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. 0 37.15 42.683333 0 171 Waneci wne 3 14 2 Elfenbein, Josef. 1997. Pahsto phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 733–760. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns 0 30.1 67.9 0 172 South Mustang Tibetan (Jharkhot) 4 41 1 Kretschmar, Monika. 1995. Erzählungen und Dialekt aus Südmustang. Beiträge zur tibetischen Erzählforschung Bd. 12. Bonn: VGH-Wissenschaftsverlag. Initial clusters are very rare. Tone is partly predictable from consonantal anlaut. 0 28.817816 83.849625 0 173 Tundra Nenets (Central-Eastern) yrk 15 102 2 Salminen, Tapani. 1998. Nenets. The Uralic languages, 516–547. Ed.: Daniel Abondolo. London & New York: Routledge 0 67.1 59.3 0 174 Dolakha Newar 4 34 1 Genetti, Carol. 2003. Dolakha Newar. In LaPolla, Randy J., and Graham Thurgood (eds.) Sino-Tibetan Languages. London: Routledge, 355-370. 0 27.677414 86.075038 0 175 Tundra Yukaghir ykg 25 129 2 Maslova, Elena. 2003. Tundra Yukaghir. Munich: Lincom; Мудрак, Олег. 2010. [Рецензия] Irina Nikolaeva. A Historical Dictionary of Yukaghir. 2006. Вопросы языкового родства, № 3, 164-173 [ɢ] is an allophone of /ʁ/ occuring after /ŋ/. /u/ has a highly marginal status. 0 69.2 154.4 0 176 Lahu (Black) lhu 4 32 1 Matisoff, James A. 1973. The grammar of Lahu. University of California publications in linguistics, v. 75. Berkeley: University of California Press. /h/ is rare 0 22.489616 99.920917 0 177 Spanish (Castilian) spa 3 15 2 Frías Conde, Xavier. 2001. Introducción a la fonética y fonología del español. Ianu: Revista Philologica Romanica. Suplemento 04. /ʃ/ is found marginally in English loanwords. 0 40.4 -3.7 0 178 Atayal tay 14 85 2 Rau, Der-Hwa Victoria. 1992. A Grammar ot Atayal. Cornell University Consonant clusters are disallowed and prevented by the insertion of non-phonemic schwa. 0 24.79 121.56 0 179 Rgyalthang Tibetan 4 41 1 Hongladarom, Krisadawan. 1996. Rgyalthang Tibetan of Yunnan: A preliminary report. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 19.69–92. 0 27.825973 99.707128 0 180 Galician glg 3 15 2 Regueira, Xosé Luís (dir.): Dicionario de pronuncia da lingua galega. Santiago de Compostela: Instituto da Lingua Galega. [Consultado: 29/06/2014] In formal Standard Galician, /g ~ ɰ/ are employed instead of /ħ/; [h], [x], [ɦ] and [ʕ] are also found. /θ/ is absent dialectally (then /s̺/ and /θ/ merge into /s/). [ʎ] for /ɟ/ is not common anymore ([ʝ̞] is another possible surface realization). /β̞/ and /ð̞/ are normally considered allophones of their respective homorganic stops; however, the contrast is maintained in cases where syllabification might be ambiguous: cf. /s̺ub.li.mi.naɾ/ and /su.β̞li.me/ ([Regueira 2014: xii]). /ä/ might be advanced or retracted depending on the environment. The seven vowels reduce to [ɐ], [ɪ], [ʊ] when word-final and unstressed. 0 43.0 -8.0 0 181 English (RP) eng 3 8 3 Jones, Daniel. 2003. English Pronouncing Dictionary. 16th edition, ed. by Peter Roach, James Hartman and Jane Setter. Cambridge University Press. The consonants /ʃ/, /ʒ/, /tʃ/, /dʒ/, /ɹ/ are usually accompanied by lip-rounding. 0 51.5286416 -0.1015987 0 182 Georgian kat 6 50 2 Aronson, Howard I. 1990. Georgian: a reading grammar (second ed.), Columbus, OH: Slavica. There are virtually no restrictions on the consonant clusters. /qχʼ/ might be /qʼ/ or /χʼ/. /ɫ/ might be plain (non-velarized) when adjacent to front vowels. 0 41.7 44.8 0 183 Gtaʔ gaq 8 63 1 Anderson, Gregory D.S. 2008. Gtaʔ. The Munda Languages, ed. by Gregory D.S. Anderson, 682–763. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge. Suprasegmental phenomena not investigated. /bb/ etc. look suspiciously like long consonants. 0 18.3435863 81.8825279 0 184 Lower Sorbian dsb 3 16 2 Hannusch, Erwin. 1998. Niedersorbisch praktisch und verständlich. Bautzen: Domowina-Verlag 0 51.7563108 14.3328679 0 185 Western Balochi (Sarāwānī) bgn 3 14 2 Elfenbein, Josef. 1997. Balochi phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 761–776. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns /f/, /q/, /ʔ/ are found in careful educated speech. 0 27.37 62.33 0 186 Domari (Palestinian) rmt 3 11 2 Matras, Yaron. 2007. A grammatical sketch of Domari. Manchester: University of Manchester 0 31.8 35.3 0 187 Gadaba gdb 12 76 1 Bhaskararao, Peri. 1998. Gadaba. The Dravidian languages, ed. by Sanford B. Steever, 328–355. Routledge language family descriptions. London ; New York: Routledge. 0 18.834493 82.403434 0 188 Spiti Tibetan spt 4 41 1 Sharma, Suhnu R. 1979. Phonological structure of Spiti. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman area 4.83–110. 0 32.2465 78.03707 0 189 Solon evn 11 72 2 Tsumagari, Toshiro. 2009. A sketch of Solon grammar. Hokkaido University Collection of Scholarly and Academic Papers : HUSCAP 0 49.2 119.8 0 190 Vietnamese (Hanoi) vie 8 66 1 Kirby, James P. 2011. Vietnamese (Hanoi Vietnamese). Journal of the International Phonetic Association 41.381–392. 0 21.033333 105.85 0 191 Chukchi ckt 24 125 2 Muravyova I.A., Daniel M.A., Zhdanova T.Ju. 2001. Chukchi language and folklore in texts collected by V.G.Bogoraz. A RSS/OSSF report (Research Support Scheme of the Open Society Support Foundation, grant No 584/1999). Moscow (unpublished) 0 65.58 -171.04 0 192 Manange nmm 4 39 1 Hildebrandt, Kristine A. 2003. Manange Tone: Scenarios of Retention and Loss in Two Communities. UC Santa-Barbara; Hildebrandt, Kristine A. 2004. A grammar and glossary of the Manange language. Tibeto-Burman languages of Nepal: Manange and Sherpa, ed. by Carol Genetti, 1–189. Pacific linguistics 557. Canberra: The Australian National University; Hildebrandt, Kristine A. 2005. A Phonetic Analysis of Manange Segmental and Suprasegmental Properties. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 28.1–36. Based on my field data, /kj/ clusters seem in reality to be palatalised segments (/kʲ/). A re-evalution is in order. 0 28.667231 84.01877 0 193 Dupaningan Agta duo 14 91 2 Robinson, Laura C. 2008. Dupaningan Agta: grammar, vocabulary, and texts. University of Hawai'i The phonemic status of /ə/ and /ʔ/ is highly dubious. 0 18.4 122.2 0 194 Konda knd 12 82 1 Krishnamurti, Bh.; and Brett A. Benham. 1998. Konda. The Dravidian languages, ed. by Sanford B. Steever, 241–269. Routledge language family descriptions. London ; New York: Routledge. 0 17.6868159 83.2184815 0 195 Polish (Standard) pol 3 16 2 Ostaszewska, Danuta; Tambor, Jolanta. 2000. Fonetyka i fonologia współczesnego języka polskiego. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo naukowe PWN /ĩ̯/ might be non-phonemic. 0 52.2 21.0 0 196 Macedonian (Standard) mkd 3 16 2 Friedman, Victor. 2001. Macedonian. SEELRC 0 42.0 21.4 0 197 Kildin Saami sjd 15 101 2 Куруч, Р.Д. 1985. Краткий грамматический очерк саамского языка. Москва: Русский язык Geminates are opposed to long consonants, but there seems to be no need to postulate half-long consonants. 0 68.0 35.0 0 198 Friulian fur 3 15 3 Miotti, Renzo. 2002. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 32(2). 237–247. The voiced affricate /dz̪/ is a peripheral phoneme in the consonant inventory of central Friulian, restricted to a small number of words, mainly of Italian or Venetian origin...It is to be pointed out that most authors do not include /ʒ/ among the phonemes of central Friulian, preferring to assign it to /z/. Nevertheless, since our data show that /ʒ/ is in complementary distribution with /z/ in prevocalic position, we are inclined to regard it as a distinct phonemic unit... /ɛː, ɔː/ are very rare in central Friulian, being frequently replaced with /eː, oː/... In unstressed position, only /i, e, a, o, u/ may be found (Miotti 2002). 0 46.0560624 13.2441624 0 199 Nganasan (Avam) nio 15 102 2 "Терещенко, Н.М. 1979. Нганасанский язык. Ленинград: ""Наука"", Ленинградское отделение" /ð/ can be infrequently realized as [d̪ð], which theoretically should be analyzed as the main (unlenited) allophone. /ɐ, a/ can be alternatively treated as /a, æ/. The 'diphthongs' (except u̯ɑ) consitute two syllables. 0 71.1 92.8 0 200 Kharia (Dudh) khr 8 63 2 Peterson, John. 2011. A grammar of Kharia, a South Munda language. Leiden/Boston: BRILL 0 23.3 85.3 0 201 Serbian (Standard Ekavian) srp 3 16 2 Morén, Bruce. 2005. Consonant-vowel interactions in Serbian: features, representations and constraint interactions. Tromsøː Center for Advanced Study of Theoretical Linguistics Pitch accent present. 0 44.8 20.5 0 202 dGudzong Tibetan 4 41 1 Hiroyuki Suzuki. 2011. Phonetic Analysis of dGudzong Tibetan The Vernacular of Khams Tibetan spoken in the rGyalrong Area. Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 35(4): 617–653. There is a good distributional case for initial clusters to be considered single phonemes (cf. Sogpho Tibetan), which would blow up the inventory. 0 30.792712 101.933506 0 203 Khalkhal tks 3 14 2 Asadi, Mohammad; Mehdi Bagheri Hariry; Razzagh Kiyani. 2014. Phonetic and Phonological Investigation of Tati Kajal Dialect (Khalkhal). Theory and Practice in Language Studies 4(3), 568-574. Finland: Academy Publisher The source describes the differences from Farsi rather than offers a reference synchronic description. This is, however, sufficient to postulate a phonological inventory given here. 0 38.25 48.3 0 204 Dhimal dhi 4 25 1 King John T. 2009. A grammar of Dhimal. Brill’s Tibetan studies library. Languages of the greater Himalayan region v. 5/8. Leiden ; Boston: Brill. G — glide. 0 26.0 87.5 0 205 Tausug (Jolo) tsg 14 91 2 Soderberg, Craig; Seymour, A. Ashley; Kenneth S. Olson. 2012. Tausug (Suluk). Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 42, 361-­364. /tʃ/ is non-existent in some idiolects. /ɾ/ and /z/ occur exclusively in borrowings. 0 6.0 121.0 0 206 Oriya ory 3 11 1 Ray, Tapas S. 2003. Oriya. The Indo-Aryan Languages, ed. by Dhanesh Jain and George Cardona, 444–476. Routledge. 0 20.9516658 85.0985236 0 207 Dolgan dlg 16 109 2 Убрятова, Е.И. 1985. Язык норильских долган. Новосибирск: Наука /h/ and /s/ contrast only marginally. /ɬˠ/ and /r̥/ appear as a result of fusion of /rt/ and /ɫt/ before consonants. 0 69.5 87.5 0 208 Karelian (North) krl 15 96 2 Зайков, П.М. 1999. Грамматика карельского языка (фонетика и морфология). Петрозаводск: Периодика 0 65.9 31.8 0 209 Yaghnobi yai 3 14 2 Хромов, А.Л. 1987. Ягнобский язык. Основы иранского языкознания (ed.: Расторгуева, В.С.). Новоиранские языки II. – Восточная группа, 644-701. Москва 0 39.2163889 69.0633333 0 210 Kurtoep 4 26 1 Hyslop, Gwendolyn. 2011. A Grammar of Kurtoep. University of Oregon. Ph.D. thesis. 0 27.728893 91.175053 0 211 Tagalog tgl 14 91 2 Bloomfield, Leonard. 1917. Tagalog texts with grammatical analysis, part 1. University of Illinois. /tʃ/, /dʒ/, /ts/, /ʃ/, /ɲ/, /ɛ/, /o/ are normally not found in native vocabulary. 0 14.6 121.0 0 212 German (Standard) deu 3 8 3 Hall, Tracy Alan. 2000. Phonologie. Eine Einführung. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. 0 52.3796664 9.7614715 0 213 Remo (Hills variety) bfw 8 63 1 Anderson, Gregory D.S.; and K. David Harrison. 2008. Remo (Bonda). The Munda Languages, ed. by Gregory D.S. Anderson, 557–632. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge. (Based on Fernandez, Frank [1968]. A Grammatical Sketch of Remo: A Munda Language. Ph.D. thesis. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.) 0 18.49309 83.005 0 214 Lao (Vientiane) lao 9 70 1 Enfield, N. J. 2007. A grammar of Lao. Mouton grammar library 38. Berlin ; New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Gedney (Gedney and Hudak 1997) has /ɤ/ instead of /ə/, his inventory of tones consists of 14, 22, 21ʔ, 33, 53ʔ, 55ʔ, and he has initial clusters kw and kʰw. 0 17.966667 102.6 0 215 Kumyk kum 16 107 2 Doniyorova, Saodat. 2004. Parlons koumyk. Paris/Budapest/Torino: L'Harmattan 0 43.0 47.0 0 216 Komi-Zyrian (Syktyvkar) kpv 15 99 2 Лыткин, В.И. (ed.) 1955. Современный коми язык. Сыктывкар: Коми книжное издательство /t̻s̻/, /f/, /rʲ/, /x/ are restricted to recent borrowings. /l/ and /v/ are not contrasted syllable-finally. 0 61.7 50.8 0 217 Dutch nld 3 8 3 Gussenhoven, Carlos. 1999. Ilustrations of the IPA: Dutch. Handbook of the International Phonetic Association. Cambridge University Press. 74-77. The vowels in brackets are marginal in the language. Main stress falls on the antepenult, the penult, or the final syllable of the word if the penult is open, and on the penult or the final syllable if the penult is closed. 0 52.3747157 4.8986167 0 218 Beserman (Šamardan) 15 99 2 Идрисов, Р.И. 2013. Тюркские заимствования разных периодов в бесермянском диалекте удмуртского языка. Москва: Московский государственный университет 0 58.02 52.15 0 219 Soghpo Tibetan 4 41 1 Suzuki, Hiroyuki. 2011. Dialectal particularities of Sogpho Tibetan – an introduction to the “Twenty-four villages’ patois.” In Turin, Mark; and Bettina Zeisler. 2011. Himalayan Languages and Linguistics: Studies in Phonology, Semantics, Morphology and Syntax, 55–73. A monster. Independent verification is definitely in order. 0 30.851 101.926 0 220 Baoan (Ñantoq) peh 7 55 1 Nugteren, Hans. 2011. Mongolic Phonology and the Qinghai-Gansu Languages. Utrecht: Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics / Landelijke (LOT) 0 35.83197 102.73512 0 221 Daur dta 7 52 2 Wu, Chaolu (Ujiyediin Chuluu). 1996. Daur. München/Newcastle: Lincom Europa 0 48.5 124.5 0 222 Northern Cuona 4 41 1 Namkung, Ju. 1996. Phonological inventories of Tibeto-Burman languages. Berkley: Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus Project, Center for Southeast Asia Studies, University of California. 0 29.36377 95.34408 0 223 North Azerbaijani (Shirvan) azj 16 105 2 Ширалиев, М.Ш.; Севортян, Э.В. (eds.) 1971. Грамматика азербайджанского языка (фонетика, морфология и синтаксис). Баку: ЭЛМ 0 39.93 48.92 0 224 Yue Chinese (Hong Kong Cantonese) yue 4 38 1 Zee, Eric. 1991. Chinese (Hong Kong Cantonese). Journal of the International Phonetic Association 21.46–48. 0 22.396428 114.109497 0 225 Northern Qiang (Yadu) cng 4 37 1 LaPolla, Randy J. 2003. Qiang. The Sino-Tibetan languages, ed. by Graham Thurgood and Randy J. LaPolla, 573–587. Routledge language family series 3. London: Routledge. G — glide, F — fricative 0 31.881457 103.367241 0 226 Labrang Tibetan 4 41 1 Makley, Charlene; Keith Dede; Hua Kan; and Wang Qingshan. 1999. The Amdo Dialect of Labrang. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 22.97–127. 0 35.204 102.52 0 227 Catalan (Central) cat 3 15 2 Lloret, Maria-Rosa. 2011. La fonologia del català. Col. «El que sabem de...» Articles de suport a la docència. Barcelona: Santillana. T = obstruent 0 41.4 2.2 0 228 Kamassian xas 15 102 2 Simoncsics, Péter. 1998. Kamassian. The Uralic Languages (ed.: Abondolo, Daniel), 580-601. London: Routledge 0 55.0694491 94.8239931 0 229 Malto mjt 12 78 1 Steever, Sanford B. 1998. Malto. The Dravidian languages, ed. by Sanford B. Steever, 359–387. Routledge language family descriptions. London ; New York: Routledge. Initial clusters occur in two borrowed words: prani ‘life’, praja ‘tent’. 0 25.0 87.0 0 230 Upper Sorbian hsb 3 16 2 Ермакова, М.И. 1973. Очерк грамматики верхнелужицкого литературного языка. Морфология. Москва: Наука; Šewc-Schuster, Hinc. 1984. Gramatika hornjo-serbskeje rěče, Budyšin: Ludowe nakładnistwo Domowin 0 51.2 14.4 0 231 Votic (Jõgõperä) vot 15 96 2 Маркус, Е.Б., Рожанский, Ф.И. 2011. Современный водский язык. Тексты и грамматический очерк. Том 2. Грамматический очерк и библиография. Санкт-Петербург: Нестор-История 0 59.65 28.28 0 232 Slavomolisano (Acquaviva Collecroce) svm 3 16 2 Breu, Walter; Giovanni Piccoli; Snježana Marčec. 2000. Dizionario croato molisano di Acquaviva Collecroce. Dizionario plurilingue della lingua slava della minoranza di provenienza dalmata di Acquaviva Collecroce in Provincia di Campobasso. Dizionario, registri, grammatica, testi. Campobasso Some people use [ɣ] as a hiatus-filling consonant. Many substitute /j/ for /ʎ/, /ɟ/ for /gʎ/, /c/ for /kʎ/. Many substitute [v̊] or [f] for /sv/. Many substitute /ɛr/ for /r̩/. /w/ and /j/ may also be described as allophones of /u/, /v/, /i/ and prothetic processes. /f, dz, dʒ, ɟ, ç, ɛ, ɔ/ occur almost exclusively in borrowings. Pitch accent is present, distinguishing descending and ascending stress. Vowel length is contrastive only in syllable with descending stress. 0 41.87 14.75 0 233 Occitan (Gascon) oci 3 15 2 Romieu, Maurice; André Bianchi. 2005. Gramatica de l'occitan gascon contemporanèu. Presses universitaires de Bordeaux /yi̯/ is often reduced to /y/. 0 45.0 -0.5 0 234 Danish dan 3 8 3 Grønnum, Nina. 1998. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 28(1–2). 99–105. Note that in a narrower transcription the aspirated plosives would be rendered as [b̥ʰ, d̥ˢ, g̊ʰ], since they are in fact lenis (Grønnum 1998: 100). The diphthongs can all be analyzed phonologically as consonant-vowel and vowelconsonant sequences, respectively (Grønnum 1998: 102). Stød is a kind of creaky voice. It occurs in long vowels and in phonetically voiced (sonorant) consonants. Presence vs absence of stød create an abundance of minimal contrasts...Stød is then a property of bi-moraic syllables (Grønnum 1998: 102). 0 55.6712673 12.5608388 0 235 Miyako (Ogami) mvi 13 84 2 Pellard, Thomas. 2009. Ogami: Éléments de description d'un parler du sud des Ryukyus. Paris: École des hautes études en sciences sociales /b/, /d/, /g/, /ts/, /tɕ/ occur marginally. X = pʰ, m, f, ʋ, s, ɾ, n, tʰ, kʰ, m̩, n̩, ʋ̩, s̩, f̩ Y = m̩, n̩, ʋ̩ W = s̩, f̩, i̞, ɯ̞, ʊ, e̞, ä Z = m, f, ʋ, s, n 0 24.9156478 125.307708 0 236 Karaim (Northwestern) kdr 16 107 2 Nevins, Andrew; Vaux, Bert. 2004. Consonant Harmony in Karaim. MITWPL 46, The Proceedings of the Workshop on Altaic in Formal Linguistics, ed. Aniko Csirmaz, Youngjoo Lee, and MaryAnn Walter, 175—194. 0 54.6379113 24.9346894 0 237 Solu Sherpa (Hile) xsr 4 41 1 Graves, Thomas E. 2007. A grammar of Hile Sherpa. State University of New York at Buffalo. 0 27.501358 86.730984 0 238 Welsh (Llanwrtyd) cym 3 7 3 Jones, Glyn E. 1984. The Distinctive Vowels and Consonants of Welsh. Welsh Phonology: Selected Readings, edited by Martin J. Ball and Glyn E. Jones. Cardiff, University of Wales Press. 0 52.107586 -3.637427 0 239 Yolmo scp 4 41 1 Gawne, Lauren. 2013. Lamjung Yolmo copulas in use: evidentiality, reported speech and questions. University of Melbourne. The data were collected in Lamjung, but the coordinates are given for Helambu area from where the Yolmo immigrated to Lamjung district about 100 years ago. 0 28.031738 85.531783 0 240 Eastern Yugur yuy 7 55 1 Nugteren, Hans. 2011. Mongolic Phonology and the Qinghai-Gansu Languages. Utrecht: Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics / Landelijke (LOT) 0 38.7939 99.57835 0 241 Dhivehi (Malé) div 3 11 2 Cain, Bruce Dwayne. 2000. Dhivehi (Maldivian): a synchronic and diachronic study. Cornell University Some other unstable phonemes might enter through Arabic borrowings. 0 4.1754959 73.509347 0 242 Khalong Tibetan 4 41 1 Sun, Jackson T.-S. 2007. Perfective stem renovation in Khalong Tibetan. In Bielmeier, Roland, and Felix Haller (eds.) Linguistics of the Himalayas and Beyond. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter, 323–340. 0 32.10872 100.98728 0 243 Eastern Hill Balochi bgp 3 14 2 Elfenbein, Josef. 1997. Balochi phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 761–776. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns /ʔ/ and /q/ are found in careful educated speech. /β/ is marginally phonemic. Although /bʰ/, /gʰ/, /dʰ/, /dʒʰ/, /ɖʰ/, /wʰ/ are called non-phonemic in Elfenbein 1997, their occurence is not predictable. 0 29.0 69.0 0 244 Southwestern Pashto (Kandahar) pbt 3 14 2 Elfenbein, Josef. 1997. Pashto phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 733–760. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns 0 31.6 65.7 0 245 Saek skb 9 70 1 Gedney, William J. 1993. William J. Gedney’s the Saek language: glossary, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 41. Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan. 0 17.455271 104.742016 0 246 Puxi jih 4 37 1 Huang, Chenglong. 2004. A Reference Grammar of the Puxi Variety of Qiang. City University of Hong Kong. F — fricative, B — bilabial 0 31.526355 103.258162 0 247 Irish (Gaoth Dobhair) gle 3 7 3 Ní Chasaide, Ailbhe. 1999. Irish. Handbook of the International Phonetic Association, 111-116. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 0 55.0743443 -8.2941873 0 248 Melung Tibetan 4 41 1 Hiroyuki Suzuki, Tshering mTshomo. 2009. Preliminary Analysis of the Phonological History of Melung Tibetan. Language and Linguistics 10.3:521-537. Some other pre-initials are postulated as “etc.”. Finals are presented as “/ʔ/, /ŋ/, /r/, /wʔ/, etc.”. 0 27.179969 99.293883 0 249 Myeik Burmese tvn 4 32 1 Kato, Atsuhiko; and Pale Khin. 2012. The Myeik (Beik) Dialect of Burmese: Sounds, Conversational Texts, and Basic Vocabulary. アジア・アフリカ言語文化研究.117–160. Rising tone entails pharyngealisation (except with glottalised vowels). Glottalised vowels always have the rising tone. 0 12.446679 98.611731 0 250 Northern Kurdish (Kurmanji) kmr 3 14 2 Thackston, W.M. 2006. Kurmanji Kurdish. A reference grammar with selected readings. Harvard University 0 38.0 43.0 0 251 Dingri Tibetan 4 41 1 Herrmann, Silke. 1989. Erzählungen und Dialekt von Diṅri. Beiträge zur tibetischen Erzählforschung 9. Bonn: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag. 0 28.649822 87.126966 0 252 Campidanese Sardinian (Sestu) sro 3 15 2 Bolognesi, Roberto. 1998. The phonology of Campidanian Sardinian: a unitary account of a self-organizing structure. Ilartzi (Aristanis): NOR 0 39.3 9.1 0 253 Kami Tibetan 4 41 1 Chirkova, Ekaterina. 2010. Phonological Profile of Kami, the Tibetan dialect of Muli, ms. http://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00553057. 0 27.928496 101.280212 0 254 Dongwang Tibetan 4 41 1 Bartee, Ellen Lynn. 2007. A grammar of Dongwang Tibetan. Ph.D. Thesis. University of California, Santa Barbara. 0 28.536776 99.659034 0 255 Farsi pes 3 14 2 Windfuhr, Gernot L. 1997. Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus), volume 1. Editor: Alan S. Kaye. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns 0 35.7 51.4 0 256 Veps (Šimozero) vep 15 96 2 Зайцева, М.И. 1981. Грамматика вепсского языка (фонетика и морфология). Ленинград: Наука M = sonorant S = sibilant 0 60.5 35.6 0 257 Bashkir (Standard) bak 16 107 2 Ахмеров К.З.; Баишев Т.Г.; Бикмурзин А.М.; Каюмова У.М.; Саяргалиев Б.С.; Терегулова Р.Н. 1958. Башҡортса-русса һүҙлек (Башкирско-русский словарь). Москва: Государственное издательство иностранных национальных словарей /ɨ/, /e̞/, /o̞/, /ts/, /tʃ/, /ʂ/, /ɕː/, /v/ occur in borrowings. 0 53.0 55.6 1 258 Southern Cuona 4 41 1 Namkung, Ju. 1996. Phonological inventories of Tibeto-Burman languages. Berkley: Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus Project, Center for Southeast Asia Studies, University of California. 0 27.86977 91.8045 0 259 Tod Tibetan sbu 4 41 1 Sharma, D. D. 1989. Tribal languages of Himachal Pradesh. 1st ed. Studies in Tibeto-Himalayan languages 2. Delhi, India: Mittal Publications. Coordinates are approximate. There is hint in the source that nasalised vowels are present, but no list is given. 0 32.783339 77.357524 0 260 Gutob (Koraput) gbj 8 63 1 Griffiths, Arlo. 2008. Gutob. The Munda Languages, ed. by Gregory D.S. Anderson, 633–681. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge. 0 18.8645237 82.8775218 0 261 Sui swi 9 68 1 Edmondson, Jerold A.; John H. Esling; Jimmy G. Harris; and James Wei. 2004. A phonetic study of Sui consonants and vowels. Mon-Khmer Studies 34.47–66. 0 25.723088 107.921698 0 262 Naukan Yupik ynk 27 131 2 Меновщиков, Г.А. 1975. Язык науканских эскимосов (фонет. введ., очерк морфологии, тексты, словарь). Ленинград: Наука 0 65.499321 -171.725708 0 263 Chantyal chx 4 39 1 Noonan, Michael. 2003. Chantyal. In LaPolla, Randy J., and Graham Thurgood (eds.) Sino-Tibetan Languages. London: Routledge, 315–336. 0 28.51932 83.707752 0 264 Tosk Albanian (Korçë) als 3 4 2 Klippenstein, Rachel. 2010. Word-initial consonant clusters in Albanian. OSUWPL Vol. 59, pp. 10–32. Ohio State University, Department of Linguistics; Camaj, Martin. 1984. Albanian grammar: with exercises, chrestomathy and glossaries. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrasowitz. 0 40.6 20.8 0 265 Khakas (Standard) kjh 16 111 2 Баскаков, Н.А.; Инкижекова-Грекул, А.И. 1953. Хакасский язык (фонетическая структура, словарный состав и грамматический строй). Москва: Союзполиграфпром Главиздата 0 53.7 91.4 0 266 Southern Pumi (Xinyingpan) pmj 4 37 1 Ding, Picus Sizhi. 2014. A Grammar of Prinmi: based on the central dialect of northwest Yunnan, China. Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library - languages of the greater Himalayan region 14. Boston, MA: Brill. G — glide. Numerous rising diphtongs are posited (ju, wa, etc.) and even one triphthong, but they seem to look more like glide + vowel/diphthong combinations. The author treats them as syllable nuclei since that permits a more parsimonious description of verbal alternations, but the vowel inventory then blows up to 30+ segments. 0 27.164195 100.921264 0 267 Tsez (Asax) ddo 5 49 1 Maddieson, Ian; Ramazan Rajabov; and Aaron Sonnenschein. 1996. The main features of Tsez phonetics. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics 93.94–110. /ʡ/ and /ʜ/ are called ‘pharyngeals’ in the paper. 0 42.15053 46.033318 0 268 Mirandese mwl 3 15 2 Ferreira, Manuela Barros; Domingos Raposo (coord.), António B. Alves, Ivo Castro, Marcolino Fernandes, Valdemar Gonçalves, Rita Marquilhas, Cristina Martins, A.M. Mourinho, Moisés Pires and José A. Raposo. 1999. Convenção Ortográfica da Língua Mirandesa. Miranda do Douro: Câmara Municipal de Miranda do Douro; Lisboa: CLUL 0 41.5 -6.3 0 269 Tajik (Bukhara) tgk 3 14 2 Ido, Shinji. 2014. Bukharan Tajik. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 44, 87-102 0 39.8 64.5 0 270 Sangdam Tibetan 4 41 1 Suzuki, Hiroyuki. 2010. Creaky and pharyngealised vowels in Sangdam Tibetan (Kachin State). A paper given at the 5th Medieval Tibeto-Burman Languages Symposium. SOAS, London. The vowel inventory is highly spurious. Consonants seem more plausible. Tones are described as ‘high-level, rising, falling, rising-falling’. 0 27.813433 97.249 0 271 Upper Saxon (Chemnitz) sxu 3 8 2 Khan, Sameer ud Dowla and Constanze Weise. 2013. Upper Saxon (Chemnitz dialect). In: Journal of the International Phonetic Association 43, 231–241. [χ] is an allophone of [h] ([h] occurs as the onset of stressed syllables and word-initially while [χ] occurs elsewhere). Short non-pharyngealized vowels optionally reduce to [ə]. /ʁ̞/ is optionally realized as [ʁ], [ʁ̥], [ʀ̥] or [q]. Final nasals and laterals can be produced as syllabic ([m̩, n̩, ŋ,­ l̩]) following a stop or fricative. /aˤː, ʌˤː, ʊˤː oˤː, ɔˤː, oˤ/ can realized as [ɛːɒ̯ˤ, ɪːɒ̯ˤ, ʊːɒ̯ˤ, oːɒ̯ˤ, ɔːɒ̯ˤ] in careful speech (especially if speakers are fluent in Standard German). /oˤ/ is optionally realized as [ɵˤ], [əˤ], [ʁ̩] or [əʁ̞]. /yː/, /ʏ/, /øː/ and /œ/ might be occasionally found in the speech of speakers fluent in Standard German. 0 50.827845 12.921369 0 272 Gagauz (Standard) gag 16 105 2 Покровская, Л.А. 1964. Грамматика гагаузского языка. Фонетика и морфология. Москва: Наука /ɯ̯ɤ̞/ and /i̯e̞/ occur only in one affix. /ɯi̯/, /uː/, /e̞ː/, /iː/, /yː/ all result from the elision of an intervocalic consonant, but in some root this is no longer recoverable. /i/ is articulated as lax in monosyllabic words. Mid and sometimes high vowels may develop an initial glide word-initially. Pokrovskaja does not consider palatalized consonants phonemic, even though they occur before back vowels in some borrowings she cites; other palatalized consonants may be also present in Gagauz. 0 46.316667 28.666666 0 273 Lhasa Tibetan bod 4 41 1 DeLancey, Scott. 2003. Lhasa Tibetan. In LaPolla, Randy J., and Graham Thurgood (eds.) Sino-Tibetan Languages. London: Routledge, 270–288. “In my data voiceless [mh] occurs only in the allomorph of the negative prefix preceding aspirated stops, and only for some speakers. Some authors (Chang and Chang; 1978–81; Goldstein and Nornang 1970) report a few words with initial voiceless nasals /ñh ŋh/, but these do not occur in the speech of all speakers.” (p. 271) Numerous tonal allophones depending on vowel length and coda. 0 29.65 91.116667 0 274 Lithuanian (West Aukštaitian) lit 3 6 2 Balode, Laimute; Holvoet, Axel. 2001. The Lithuanian language and its dialects. Circum-Baltic Languages. Volume I: Past and Present, 41–79. John Benjamins Publishing Company: Amsterdam / Philadelphia. /t̪s̪/, /tsʲ/, /d̪z̪/, /dzʲ/ are rare. /xʲ/, /ɣʲ/, /x/, /ɣ/, /f/, /fʲ/, /ɔ/ are restricted to borrowings. 0 54.9 23.9 0 275 Taz Selkup sel 15 102 2 Helimski, Eugene. 1998. Selkup. Uralic languages (ed.: Abondolo, David). London-New York: Routledge /ɪ̈ (~ ə)/ is an allophone of /ɨ/ in non-initial syllables. [ɴ] and [ʀ] are allophones of /q/ when occurring before nasals and liquids, respectively. The non-coronal stops /p/, /k/, /q/ have optional fricative allophones [f], [x], [χ] when occurring before /s/ or /ɕ/. 0 66.0 85.0 0 277 Mingrelian (Zugdidi-Samurzaqano) xmf 6 50 2 Кипшидзе, І. 1914. Грамматика мингрельскаго (иверскаго) языка съ хрестоматіею и словаремъ. С.-Петербургъ, Типографія императорской академіи наукъ 0 42.5 41.85 0 278 Bulgarian (Standard) bul 3 16 2 Бояджиев, Т.; Куцаров, И.; Пенчев, Й. 1998. Съвременен български език. София: Петър Берон; Бояджиев, Т.; Тилков, Д. 1997. Фонетика на българския книжовен език. Велико Търново: Абагар; Ternes, E.; Vladimirova-Buhtz, T. 1999. Bulgarian (sound system). Handbook of the International Phonetic Association, 55—57. Cambridge: CUP /dzʲ/, /ç/, /w/ may occur in some proper names. 0 43.0 25.0 0 279 Hindi hin 3 11 2 Alan S. Kaye. 1997 Hindi-Urdu phonology. Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus), volume 1. Edited by: Alan S. Kaye. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns /ɲ/, /f/, /z/, /ʃ/ are marginal. Some educated speakers have distinct /ʒ/, /q/, /x/, /ɣ/. /ɲ/ and /ŋ/ are hardly phonemic. 0 28.6 77.2 0 280 Kolami (Wardha) kfb 12 76 1 Subrahmanyam, P.S. 1998. Kolami. The Dravidian languages, ed. by Sanford B. Steever, 301–327. Routledge language family descriptions. London ; New York: Routledge. 0 20.745319 78.6021946 0 281 Maithili (Madhubani) mai 3 11 1 Yadav, Ramawatar. 2003. Maithili. The Indo-Aryan Languages, ed. by Dhanesh Jain and George Cardona, 477–497. Routledge. 0 26.3468544 86.0715474 0 282 Tofa kim 16 108 2 Рассадин, В.И. 1971. Фонетика и лексика тофаларского языка. Улан-Удэ: Бурятское книжное издательство /ɪ/, /ɪ̰/, /ɪː/ seem to be phonemic (they are said to be allophones of the corresponding high phonemes triggered, among others, by preceding plain labials as opposed to 'palatalized' labials, which are themselves not phonemic). 0 53.64 98.21 0 283 Slovak (Standard) slk 3 16 2 Hanulíková, Adriana; Hamann, Silke. 2010. Slovak. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 40/3 0 49.1 19.6 0 284 Turkmen (Teke) tuk 16 105 2 Gray, David. 1994. Turkmen grammar. A short descriptive grammar of the Turkmen language. Cheltenham: SIL-NEG /l̪/ might be velarized or palatalized according to the harmonic class of the word. /k/ and /g/ get uvular in back-vowel environment. 0 38.0 60.5 0 285 Võro vro 15 96 2 Jüvä, Sullõv. 2002. Võro-eesti synaraamat: päält 15,000 tähüssyna. Võro Instituut; Teras, Pire. 2003. Võru keskkõrgete vokaalide kvaliteedist. In: Lõunaeesti häälikud II. Tartu Ülikooli eesti keele õppetooli toimetised 27 (Pajusalu, Karl and Pire Teras, eds.). Tartu Overlong (Q3) mid vowels are significantly higher than short mid vowels; this is why they overlong vowels are treated differently than in North Estonian and assigned phonemic status. Long (Q2) vowels are not distinct from short vowels in quality; depending on the analysis, their occurence can be explained prosodically or segmentally. Same applies to consonant length. 0 57.8460723 26.9986977 0 286 Tamang (Eastern) taj 4 39 1 Mazaudon, Martine. 2003. Tamang. In LaPolla, Randy J., and Graham Thurgood (eds.) Sino-Tibetan Languages. London: Routledge, 291–314. 0 27.652924 85.846514 0 287 Sindhi (Vicholi) snd 3 11 2 Nihalani, Paroo. 1995. Illustration of the IPA: Sindhi. Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 0 25.4 68.4 0 288 Malayalam mal 12 81 1 Asher, R. E. 1997. Malayalam. Descriptive grammars. London ; New York: Routledge. /ɳ, l, ɭ, r̪, r, j/ may ‘attract’ a schwa when in the word-final position. 0 8.5074 76.973 0 289 Karakalpak kaa 16 107 2 Дәўлетов, А. 2006. Ҳәзирги қарақалпақ тили. Фонетика. Нөкис: Бердақ атындағы Қарақалпақ мәмлекетлик университети /v, ts, tɕ, f, h/ occur only in borrowings from Russian, Arabic and Farsi. /q, ʁ/ are marginally contrastive. 0 42.461891 59.616631 0 290 Ilocano ilo 14 91 2 Galvez Rubino, Carl Ralph. 1997. A reference grammar of Ilocano. Santa Barbara: University of California /dʒ/ and /ʃ/ do not exist underlyingly, resulting from palatalization. 0 16.6 120.3 0 291 Brag-g.yab Tibetan khg 4 41 1 Schwieger, Peter. 1989. Tibetisches Erzählgut aus Brag-g.yab: Texte mit Übersetzungen, grammatischem Abriss und Glossar. Beiträge zur tibetischen Erzählforschung 10. Bonn: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag. 0 30.60375 97.797947 0 292 Panjabi (Eastern) pan 3 11 1 Shackle, Chirstopher. 2003. Panjabi. The Indo-Aryan Languages, ed. by Dhanesh Jain and George Cardona, 581–621. Routledge; Bhatia, Tej K. 1993. Punjabi: A Conginitive-descriptive Grammar. Psychology Press. Clusters /pr, kr, gr, ʈr, t̪r, sr, sl, kj, kʰj, t̪j, pj, bj, kw, gw/ present in educated speech, broken in colloquial parlance. 0 31.1471305 75.3412179 0 293 Akha ahk 4 32 1 Hansson, Inga-Lill. 2003. Akha. In LaPolla, Randy J., and Graham Thurgood (eds.) Sino-Tibetan Languages. London: Routledge, 236–251. 0 21.265694 99.72393 0 294 Drokpa Tibetan (Zhongba) 4 41 1 Kretschmar, Monika. 1986. Erzählungen und Dialekt der Drokpas aus Südwest-Tibet. Beiträge zur tibetischen Erzählforschung 8. Sankt Augustin: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag. 0 29.77 84.031389 0 295 Dongxiang sce 7 55 1 Nugteren, Hans. 2011. Mongolic Phonology and the Qinghai-Gansu Languages. Utrecht: Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics / Landelijke (LOT) 0 35.55043 103.18082 0 296 Caodeng rGyalrong jya 4 43 1 Sun, Jackson T.-S. 2003. Caodeng rGyalrong. In LaPolla, Randy J., and Graham Thurgood (eds.) Sino-Tibetan Languages. London: Routledge, 409–502. 0 32.15233 101.70513 0 297 Digor Ossetic 3 14 2 Testen, David. 1997. Ossetic phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 707–731. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns 0 43.16 44.16 0 298 Khaling klr 4 28 1 Jacques, Guillaume. 2016. Tonogenesis and tonal alternations in Khaling. In Enrique L. Palancar and Jean Léo Léonard (eds.), Tone and Inflection, 41–66. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Low tone is not posited in the paper: tonal contrasts are neutralised on short and/or unstressed syllables, and the resulting neutral tone is encoded as 33 here. 0 27.498096 86.677595 0 299 Vallader Romansh roh 3 15 2 Schmid, Stephan. 2010. Les occlusives palatales du Vallader. // Iliescu, M; Siller-Runggaldier, H; Danler, P. Actes du XXVe Congrès International de Linguistique et de Philologie Romanes. Tome II. Berlin—New York, 185–194; Haiman, John; Benincà, Paola (eds.). 1992. The Rhaeto-Romance languages. London: Routledge 0 46.8 10.3 0 300 Jibbali (Central) shv 17 115 2 Rubin, Aaron D. 2014. The Jibbali (Shaḥri) Language of Oman. Grammar and Texts. Leiden, Boston: Brill 0 17.0 54.8 0 301 Juang jun 8 63 1 Patnaik, Manideepa. 2008. Juang. The Munda Languages, ed. by Gregory D.S. Anderson, 508–556. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge. 0 21.5151196 85.68458 0 302 Darkhat drh 7 54 2 Csaba, Gáspár. 2006. Darkhat. Lincom Europa Female pronounciation said to be different. 0 51.0 99.0 0 303 Ligurian (Miogliola) lij 3 15 2 Ghini, Mirco. 2001. Asymmetries in the phonology of Miogliola. Studies in Generative Grammar [SGG]. Berlin–New York: Mouton de Gruyter /ɑː/ behaves like a short vowel and surfaces short in a number of instances. Before so-called lengthening consonants it is realized as [ɔː]. /æi̯/ is the long counterpart of /æ/ and is realized as [æː] before /r/. /ɛː, œː, aː/ contrast with /e, ø, ɑː/ only before /n/ due to a recent loss of /ŋ/ before /n/; they are shortened before /ŋC/ and shortened and raised before /ŋ#/. 0 44.5147074 8.4509844 0 304 Hill Mari (Kozmodemjansk) mrj 15 97 2 Галкин, И.С.; Исанбаев, Н.И.; Пенгитов, Н.Т.; Барцева З.Ф. (eds.) 1960. Современный марийский язык. Фонетика. Йошкар-Ола: Марийское книжное издательство 0 56.3 46.6 0 305 Bengali (Dhaka) ben 3 11 2 Barman, Binoy. 2010. A contrastive analysis of English and Bangla phonemics. The Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics: vol. 2, n° 4, page: 19–42. Dhaka: Registrar, Dhaka University 0 23.810332 90.412518 0 306 Zhongu Tibetan 4 41 1 Sun, Jackson T.-S. 2003. Phonological profile of Zhongu: A new Tibetan dialect of Northern Sichuan. Language and linguistics 4.769–836. Initial clusters with uvular preinitials. 0 32.640579 103.597121 0 307 Sora (Gumma Hills) srb 8 63 1 Anderson, Gregory D.S.; and K. David Harrison. 2008. Sora. The Munda Languages, ed. by Gregory D.S. Anderson, 299–380. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge. 0 19.1912221 84.1857115 0 308 Itelmen itl 24 126 2 Володин, А.П. 1976. Ительменский язык. Ленинград: Наука 0 57.795 158.347 0 309 Tay Yo tyj 9 70 1 Ferlus, Michel. 2008. The Tai dialects of Nghệ An, Vietnam (Tay Daeng, Tay Yo, Tay Muong). In Anthony Diller, Jerold A. Edmondson & Luo Yongxian (eds.), The Tai-Kadai languages, 298–316. London & New York: Routledge. 0 19.3528917 105.1726816 0 310 Jah-Hut jah 8 56 1 Diffloth, Gerard. 1976. Jah-Hut, an Austroasiatic Language of Malaysia. South-east Asian Linguistic Studies 2.73–118. 0 3.376993 102.201677 0 311 Wazirwola (North Wazīrī) pst 3 14 2 Elfenbein, Josef. 1997. Pahsto phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 733–760. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns /q/, /ʔ/, /h/ are marginal. 0 33.0 70.0 0 312 Kolyma Yukaghir yux 25 129 2 Maslova, Elena. 1999. A grammar of Kolyma Yukaghir. Bielefeld: University of Bielefeld 0 65.5 151.1 0 313 Bakhtiari bqi 3 14 2 Anonby, Erik; Ashraf Asadi. 2014. Bakhtiari Studies. Phonology, Text, Lexicon. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Studia Iranica Upsaliensia 24. Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet /eːi̯, oːu̯, au̯, æi̯, ɑːi̯, ɔi̯, ð̞/ are marginally phonemic. 0 32.0 50.0 0 314 Eastern Yiddish (Central) ydd 3 8 2 Jacobs, Neil G. 2005. Yiddish. A Linguistic Introduction. New York: Cambridge University Press Vowel nasalization is best explained in segmental terms. Outside Galicia, Volhynia and Podolia /ʀ/ is realized as /r/. /ə/ is only found in unstressed syllables. The phonetic quality of the vowels may be described somewhat inaccurately. 0 50.0 25.0 0 315 Kabardian (Baksan) kbd 21 121 2 Matasović, Ranko. 2010. A short grammar of East Circassian (Kabardian). Zagreb /o/ is only found in recent loanwords. /oː/, /iː/, /uː/, /eː/ are not underlyingly phonemic. Labiovelars are uvular and uvulars are postuvular under some analyses. 1 43.7 43.5 400 0 316 Varli (Dogri) vav 3 11 2 Abraham G.; Hemalatha, Abraham. 2012. Varli phonology and grammar sketches. SIL International. 0 20.067425 73.175835 0 317 gSerpa 4 41 1 Sun, Jackson T.-S. 2006. Special linguistic features of gSerpa Tibetan. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman area 29.107–126. 0 31.879 100.722 0 318 Kurdish (Sorani) ckb 3 14 2 Ernest N. McCarus. 1997. Kurdish phonology. Phonologies of Asia and Africa (Including the Caucasus), volume 1. Editor: Alan S. Kaye. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns 0 35.5 45.4 0 319 Bhujel byh 4 22 1 Regmi, Dan Raj. 2012. A grammar of Bhujel. Languages of the world. Materials 492. Muenchen: LINCOM Europa. 0 27.851953 84.452763 0 320 Sakha (Standard) sah 16 109 2 Tolkov, Igor. 2011. Phonetics of Sakha. University of Washington (http://igor.tolkov.com/essays/ling450paper.pdf) 0 62.0 130.0 0 321 Ho (Mayurbhanj) hoc 8 63 1 Anderson, Gregory D.S.; Toshiki Osada; and K. David Harrison. 2008. Ho and the other Kherwarian languages. The Munda Languages, ed. by Gregory D.S. Anderson. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge. “The phonemic status of ɳ is dubious as is the opposition of ɲ and ŋ”. 0 22.0086978 86.41873 0 322 Tshangla tsj 4 42 1 Andvik, Erik E. 2010. A grammar of Tshangla. Leiden ; Boston: Brill. 0 27.3385 91.54805 0 323 Icelandic isl 3 8 2 Thráinsson, Höskuldur. 1994. Icelandic. The Germanic Languages (eds.: König, Ekkehard; van der Auwera, Johan), 142-189. London: Routledge /h/ is sometimes treated as pre-aspiration. /x/ is technically an allophone of |kʰ| (V__s,t OR #__ʋ). /j/ corresponds to two distinct underlying phonemes, one of which alternates with /ɣ̞/. Overall, velars and palatals are in a complex distribution. The interdentals are in a simple distribution (/θ̻/ only occurs word-initially and before a voiceless consonant). /m̥/, /ɲ̥/, /ŋ̥/, /ɲ/ are non-phonemic. /ŋ/ is marginally phonemic __l,s̺ as a result of a deleted /k/. /ʏi̯/, /ɔi̯/ are non-phonemic. Vowel length is almost always predictable (there are two or three exceptions). /ɫ/, /ɫ̥/, /ʔ/ might be included in certain analyses. 0 64.0 -22.0 0 324 Bengali (Bangladeshi Standard) ben 3 11 1 Sameer ud Dowla Khan (2010). Bengali (Bangladeshi Standard). Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 40, pp 221-225 doi:10.1017/S0025100310000071 0 23.810332 90.412518 0 325 Yousafzai Pashto (Peshāwar) pbu 3 14 2 Elfenbein, Josef. 1997. Pahsto phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 733–760. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns /ʒ/ is present in some other subdialects, in Peshāwar it merged into /dʒ/. 0 34.0 71.6 0 326 Lemi Chin 4 29 1 Herr, Kristen Elizabeth (2011). The phonological interpretation of minor syllables, applied to Lemi Chin. Unpublished Master’s thesis. Chiang Mai: Payap University. Lemi Chin is a sesquisyllabic language with some words having the form C.CV or CV̆.CV. 0 21.947245 92.65764 0 327 Byangsi bee 4 24 1 Trivedi, G.M. 1991. Descriptive grammar of Byansi, a Bhotiya language. Calcutta: Anthropoligical Survey of India, Govt. of India, Ministry of Human Resource Development, Dept. of Culture. The diphthongs are not listed: “Byansi has three types of two vowel sequences in the medial and final position. It does not permit a vowel sequence in initial position. In all the vowel sequences the first one is a front vowel which forms the syllable peak, whereas the second one is back—u in most of the cases” (p. 9). 0 30.103544 80.836844 0 328 Lhomi Tibetan lhm 4 41 1 Vesalainen, Olavi. 2016. A Grammar Sketch of Lhomi. (SIL Language and Culture Documentation and Description, 34) Dallas: SIL International. Breathy voice is a sign of low register, which is can also be realised as low pitch: “My observation is that the pitch is not very well audible with most male speakers. It is the clear and creaky vowels that help the hearer to distinguish between high and low register words. Some women speakers seem to change the pitch also. I argue that it is the vowel quality (tense/lax) that is contrastive, not the pitch. High register (tense) words are also more stressed than the low register ones (word stress). These observations need to be either confirmed or refuted by a detailed study” (p. 6). NB: the author seems to use the terms ‘breathy’ and ‘creaky’ interchangeably. 0 27.749097 87.376366 0 329 Shaoxing Chinese 4 38 1 Zhang, Jisheng. 2006. The phonology of Shaoxing Chinese. Ph.D. thesis. Leiden Universit The phonemic analysis of the vowels was not followed. 0 29.992894 120.587941 0 330 Khowar khw 3 11 1 Liljegren, H., & Khan, A. A. (2016). Khowar. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 1-11. Distinctive low-rising tone is characteristic of only a number of words. 0 36.278165 72.519614 0 331 Palula phl 3 11 1 Liljegren, H., & Haider, N. (2009). Palula. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 39(03), 381-386. “Aspiration is best considered a property of the lexical stem, rather than as a segment or a secondary articulation of any one segment. The feature occurs only once in a (phonological) word, in a majority of cases word-initially...” (p. 384) “The voiced aspirated sounds are normally phonetically realized with breathy voice during their release, and/or the vowel that immediately follows is pronounced with (at least partial) breathy voice... The voiced aspiration or ‘breathiness’ is also somewhat mobile within the syllable, and for some words even beyond the realm of a single syllable.” (p. 385) Contour pitch accents are distinguished on long vowels (déedi ‘paternal grandmother’ vs. deédi ‘burnt [F]’). 0 35.434444 71.745556 0 332 Ushojo ush 3 11 1 Decker, Sandra J. (1992). Ushojo. Languages of Kohistan, ed. by Calvin R. Rensch, Sandra J. Decker & Daniel G. Hallberg, 65–80. Islamabad: National Institute of Pakistan Studies, Quaid-i-Azam University. The description is highly preliminary. 0 35.127722 72.607694 0 333 Sanglechi sgy 3 14 1 Yusufbekov Sh. P. Sanglichskiy yazyk. In Rastorgueva V., Dž. I. Edel'man, and V. V. Moškalo. 1999. Vostočnoiranskie Yazyki. (Yazyki Mira: Iranskie Yazyki, III.) Moscow: Indrik. The list of syllable templates is not exhaustive and represents ‘the most characteristic types’. 0 36.45 71.3 0 334 Shughni sgh 3 14 1 Edelman Dž. I., Sh. P. Yusufbekov, Shugnankiy yazyk. In Rastorgueva V., Dž. I. Edel'man, and V. V. Moškalo. 1999. Vostočnoiranskie Yazyki. (Yazyki Mira: Iranskie Yazyki, III.) Moscow: Indrik. 0 37.70499 72.20616 0 335 Rushani 3 14 1 Edelman Dž. I., Sh. P. Yusufbekov, Rushanskiy yazyk. In Rastorgueva V., Dž. I. Edel'man, and V. V. Moškalo. 1999. Vostočnoiranskie Yazyki. (Yazyki Mira: Iranskie Yazyki, III.) Moscow: Indrik. The statements on the possibility of initial clusters are contradictory. On the one hand, ‘Words and morphemes cannot start with CC-’. On the other hand, breaking up of initial clusters in inherited words and loan-words is ‘optional’. 0 38.071034 72.137172 0 336 Khufi 3 14 1 Edelman Dž. I., Sh. P. Yusufbekov, Kufskiy yazyk. In Rastorgueva V., Dž. I. Edel'man, and V. V. Moškalo. 1999. Vostočnoiranskie Yazyki. (Yazyki Mira: Iranskie Yazyki, III.) Moscow: Indrik. 0 38.025613 72.370631 0 337 Sarikoli srh 3 14 1 Edelman Dž. I., Sh. P. Yusufbekov, Sarykolskiy yazyk. In Rastorgueva V., Dž. I. Edel'man, and V. V. Moškalo. 1999. Vostočnoiranskie Yazyki. (Yazyki Mira: Iranskie Yazyki, III.) Moscow: Indrik. Only the ‘dominant’ syllable types are given in the description. 0 37.7666 75.216 0 338 Yazghulami yah 3 14 1 Edelman Dž. I. Yazghulamskiy yazyk. In Rastorgueva V., Dž. I. Edel'man, and V. V. Moškalo. 1999. Vostočnoiranskie Yazyki. (Yazyki Mira: Iranskie Yazyki, III.) Moscow: Indrik. Only ‘optimal’ syllable templates are given in the description. Voiceless consonants are aspirated word initially and before stressed vowels. Some plosive palatalise before front vowels and often word finally. 0 38.239251 71.555667 0 339 Southwest Pashai psh 3 11 1 Грюнберг, Александр Леонович. 1999. Пашаи язык. Языки мира. Дардские и нуристанские языки, ред. Джой Иосифовна Эдельман, 72–80. Москва: Индрик. The phonological status of the sound ‘ä’ is unclear. 0 34.853784 69.647752 0 340 Gawarbati gwt 3 11 1 Morgenstierne, Georg. 1950. Notes on Gawar-bati. Videnskaps Akademi Skrifter.1-2; Akhtarjan Kohistani, manuscript, n.d.; Bashir, Elena. 2007. Dardic. The Indo-Aryan languages, ed. by George Cardona and Dhanesh Jain, 818–894. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge. Vowel inventory is tentative. 0 35.303664 71.54159 0 341 Grangali nli 3 11 1 Bashir, Elena. 2007. Dardic. The Indo-Aryan languages, ed. by George Cardona and Dhanesh Jain, 818–894. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge; Grjunberg, Aleksandr L. 1971. K dialektologii dardskikh jazykov (glangali i zemiaki). Indijskaja i iranskaja filologija. Voprosy dialektologii, 3–29. Moscow: Nauka. [j] occurs in borrowings. 0 34.98459 70.907166 0 342 Tirahi tra 3 11 1 Bashir, Elena. 2007. Dardic. The Indo-Aryan languages, ed. by George Cardona and Dhanesh Jain, 818–894. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge; Edelman, Dzhoi. 1983. The Dardic and Nuristani Languages. Moscow: Nauka. The coordinates are tentative. 0 33.047111 68.791197 0 343 Kalam (Swat-Dir) Kohistani gwc 3 11 1 Bashir, Elena. 2007. Dardic. The Indo-Aryan languages, ed. by George Cardona and Dhanesh Jain, 818–894. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge; Baart, Joan L. G. 1995. The Tones of Kalam Kohistani (Garwi, Bashkarik), paper presented at the Third International Hindukush Cultural Conference. Chitral, Pakistan; Baart, Joan L. G. 1997. The Sounds and Tones of Kalam Kohistani. Islamabad: National Institute of Pakistan Studies; SIL. “Aspiration almost always co-occurs with L or LH melody, while lack of aspiration often co-occurs with H, HL or H(L) [delayed high-to-low falling, 551 in my notation, D.N.] (Baart 1995: 13–14). Stress is also predictable from tone (Baart 1997: 48)” (Bashir 2007: 860). “f, q, ɣ, z, and x occur mostly in loanwords (Baart 1995: 5)” (Bashir 2007: 861). Aspiration is losing its contrastiveness; minimal pairs are rare. 0 35.478979 72.591237 0 344 Torwali trw 3 11 1 Bashir, Elena. 2007. Dardic. The Indo-Aryan languages, ed. by George Cardona and Dhanesh Jain, 818–894. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge. “The status of length is not certain” (p. 865). The phoneme [f] is given in parentheses without comments. 0 35.153851 72.531949 0 345 Wotapuri-Katarqalai wsv 3 11 1 Bashir, Elena. 2007. Dardic. The Indo-Aryan languages, ed. by George Cardona and Dhanesh Jain, 818–894. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge; Buddruss, Georg. 1960. Die Sprache von Wotapur und Katarqala. Bonn: Orientalische Seminar der Universität Bonn. “Tonal contours were observed in some words, but phonemic oppositions not attested. Stress is strong and falls on the final syllable of nominal and verbal stems regardless of length; unstressed vowel are reduced (Bd: 15)” (Bashir 2007: 869). 0 34.984216 71.03929 0 346 Indus Kohistani (Kanyawali) mvy 3 11 1 Bashir, Elena. 2007. Dardic. The Indo-Aryan languages, ed. by George Cardona and Dhanesh Jain, 818–894. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge; Buddruss, Georg. 1959. Kanyawali. Proben eines Maiyā̃ Dialektes aus Tangir (Hindukush). Munich: J. Kitzinger. “Vowels ī, ē, ā and a are distinct phonemes... The status of length for ī, ē and of o/ō/u/ū is unclear (Bd: 9)” (Bashir 2007: 875) 0 35.673435 73.437842 0 347 Shina (Gilgit) scl 3 11 1 Bashir, Elena. 2007. Dardic. The Indo-Aryan languages, ed. by George Cardona and Dhanesh Jain, 818–894. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge; Radloff, Carla F. 1999. Aspects of the Sound System of Gilgiti Shina. Islamabad: National Institute of Pakistan Studies; Quaid-i-Azam University; SIL. Shina has a pitch accent system distinguishing between rising and falling accents on long vowels. 0 35.916112 74.314293 0 348 Koyi Rai kkt 4 28 1 Aimée Lahaussois. Koyi Rai: An initial grammatical sketch. Himalayan Linguistics Archive 4. (2009) 1-33. 0 27.392354 86.887347 0 349 Jero jee 4 28 1 Jean Robert Opgenort. 2005. A Grammar of Jero With a Historical Comparative Study of the Kiranti Languages. Brill. xxvi, 406 pp. “In indigenous Jero words, the use of retroflex or apico-postalveolar stops in place of alveolar stops is generally determined by personal style or preference.” (p. 61) “Affricate obstruents are not generally found in syllable-final position, except in loans from Nepali. The approximants /h/, /y/ and /w/ do not appear in syllable-final position.” (p. 60) 0 27.194392 86.37043 0 350 Poula pmx 4 30 1 Sahiinii, Lemaina V. and Barika, Khyriem. 2015. Poula phonetics and phonology: An initial overview. North East Indian Linguistics 7, 47-62. Canberra, Australian National University: Asia-Pacific Linguistics Open Access. 0 25.394561 94.148133 0 351 Daai Chin dao 4 29 1 So-Hartmann, Helga. 2009. A descriptive grammar of Daai Chin. (STEDT Monograph Series, 7.) Berkeley: Center for Southeast Asia Studies. Velar stops are in free variation with /ç, çʰ/. Word-final stops are unreleased. Long monophthong vowels are never found in open syllables. Short vowels in syllables with stops in the coda position do not display length distinctions. 0 21.193375 94.05623 0 352 Eastern Armenian (Standard) hye 3 5 1 Dum-Tragut, Jasmine. Armenian: Modern Eastern Armenian. John Benjamins Publishing, 2009. “Glottalised plosives occur in various Armenian dialects and can also be found in the Eastern Armenian vernacular based on the Yerevan dialect, but according to normative grammars, S[tandard] M[odern] E[eastern] A[rmenian] shows no glottalised voiceless plosives” (p. 17–18). The language shows complex patterns of initial (and to some extent final) clusters, but they are always broken up by epenthetic vowels. CCVCC seems to be the most complex structure allowed. 0 40.1791857 44.4991 0 353 Southern Luri luz 3 14 1 Anonby, Eric John. 2003. A Phonology of Southern Luri. LINCOM publishers 0 30.308856 51.624692 0 354 Kumzari zum 3 14 1 Anonby, Erik John. 2011. Illustrations of the IPA: Kumzari. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 41(3):375–380. 0 26.166731 56.246534 0 355 Koroshi ktl 3 14 1 Nourzaei, M., Jahani, C., Anonby, E., and Ahangar, A.A., 2015. Koroshi. A Corpus-based Grammatical Description. Uppsala: University of Uppsala. Diphthongs are analysed as CV sequences in the descriptions. 0 29.460345 52.587889 0 356 Gilaki glk 3 14 1 Rastorgueva, V. S., A. A. Kerimova, A. K. Mamedzade, L.A. Pireiko, and D. I. Edel’man. 2012. The Gilaki Language. English translation, editing and expanded content by Ronald M. Lockwood. Uppsala: University of Uppsala 0 37.283305 49.578807 0 357 Alqosh Neo-Aramaic cld 17 113 1 Coghill, Eleanor. 2003. The Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Alqosh. Ph.D. thesis. University of Cambridge. 0 36.733622 43.097413 0 358 Amədya Neo-Aramaic 17 113 1 Greenblatt, Jared R. 2011. The Jewish Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Amədya. Brill. 0 37.1 43.5 0 359 Arbel Neo-Aramaic 17 113 1 Khan, Geoffrey. 1999. A Grammar of Neo-Aramaic. The Dialect of the Jews of Arbel. Brill. [tʃʰ] and [dʒ] are in variation with [tsʰ] and [dz] in the speech of some informants. [x] and [ɣ] alternate with [χ] and [ʁ] respectively. Initial clusters starting with a sibilant or ending with /l, r, m, n, j/ are less amenable to be broken up by an epenthetic vowel. 0 36.1974138 42.8878758 0 360 Betanure Neo-Aramaic 17 113 1 Mutzafi, Hezy. 2008. The Jewish Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Betanure (province of Dihok). Otto Harrassowitz Verlag 0 37.1025246 43.5039625 0 361 Barwar Neo-Aramaic 17 113 1 Khan Geoffrey. 2008. The Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Barwar. Brill. Initial clusters are often broken up by epenthentic vowels. 0 37.107349 43.491099 0 362 Kati bsh 3 11 1 Грюнберг, Александр. 1980. Языки Восточного Гиндукуша. Язык Кати. Тексты. Грамматический очерк. Наука: Москва. "The ʲ diacritic denotes both palatalisation and ""iotation"" (appearance of [j] in front of the next vowel). Retroflex consonants consistently show iotation; other segments vary." 0 35.341 70.464 0 363 Kalkoti xka 3 11 1 Liljegren, Henrik. 2013. Notes on Kalkoti: A Shina Language with Strong Kohistani Influences. Linguistic Discovery 11.1:129-160. Nasalisation seems to be phonemic, but it is an area needing further research, and subsequently no separate series of nasal vowels along with an oral series is introduced here (p. 138). The analysis is preliminary, especially regarding tone. Final clusters with nasals tend to be simplified. 0 35.416398 72.181151 0 364 Darra-i-Nur Pashai (Southeast Pashai) psi 3 11 1 Morgenstierne, Georg. 1973. Indo-Iranian Frontier Languages, Vol. III, the Pashai Language, Part 1, Grammar (2nd ed.), Oslo: Universitetsforlaget; Bashir, Elena. 2007. Dardic. The Indo-Aryan languages, ed. by George Cardona and Dhanesh Jain, 818–894. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge. Vowel inventory is not phonologised. Tonal distinctions are noted, but not described. 0 34.702778 70.601944 0 365 Shumashti sts 3 11 1 Bashir, Elena. 2007. Dardic. The Indo-Aryan languages, ed. by George Cardona and Dhanesh Jain, 818–894. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge; Morgenstierne, Georg. 1945. Notes on Shumashti. Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidenskap 13.240–281. [u̯] is listed among the consonants alongside [w]. [j] and [h] are listed in parentheses. 0 34.6108 70.7569 0 366 Dameli dml 3 11 1 Bashir, Elena. 2007. Dardic. The Indo-Aryan languages, ed. by George Cardona and Dhanesh Jain, 818–894. Routledge language family series. London: Routledge; Morgenstierne, Georg. 1942. Notes on Dameli. Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidenskap 12.115–198. [x] and [ɣ] occur in loanwords. Vowels are lengthened under stress; phonological status of length is unclear. 0 35.303901 71.643766 0 367 Kalasha (Northern) kls 3 11 1 Bashir, Elena. 1988. Topics in Kalasba syntax: An areal and typological perspective. The University of Michigan. Status of phonemic length and tonal distinctions is unclear. 0 35.700556 71.691667 0 368 Mehweb 5 133 1 Moroz George. 2016. Phonology of Mehweb, in: Mehweb. Selected essays on phonology, morphology and syntax / Ed. by M. Daniel, D. Ganenkov, N. Dobrushina. Berlin : Language Science Press. Ch. 3. P. 22-34. 0 42.251979 47.047631 0 369 Xong mmr 23 124 1 Sposato, Adam Michael. 2015. A grammar of Xong. University at Buffalo. 0 28.08118 109.38727 0 370 Tujia (Northern) tji 4 17 1 Brassett, Cecilia.; Philip Brassett.; and Meiyan Lu. 2006. The Tujia language. Languages of the world. Materials 455. München: Lincom Europa. The symbol /ɜ/ was used to represent a purportedly front nasalised vowel. It was recorded as /ɛ/, like the oral vowel. 0 29.016102 109.568625 0 371 Karbi (Hills) mjw 4 17 1 Konnerth, Linda. 2014. A Grammar of Karbi. PhD thesis. University of Oregon. /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ are marginal and occur only in a handful of morphemes. Additionally, a marginal segment /oʷ/ is posited. Vowel-initial syllables acquire a non-phonemic initial glottal stop. Diphthongs only occur in open syllables. The low tone corresponds to the average speaking pitch. The functional load of tone is low. 0 25.840397 93.431684 0 372 Dakpa dka 4 26 1 Hyslop, Gwendolyn; and Karma Tshering. 2009. Preliminary Notes on Dakpa (Tawang Monpa). North East Indian linguistics. Vol. 2, ed. by Stephen Morey and Mark Post, 3–24. New Delhi: Cambridge University Press India. The analysis is preliminary. The list of licit finals may be incomplete. ‘We also transcribed ɛ, ɔ, ü, and əɔ, however, these four were not consistently transcribed and their presence in the language remains the most nebulous of all. We are unable to say whether each of these vowels or diphthongs represent a phonemic contrast or not. Long versus short vowels were also transcribed in open syllables, but it remains unknown whether or not they represent a contrast in the language’ (p. 11). ‘Of particular interest in Dakpa is the presence of voiceless vowels, which are found word-finally and appear to be restricted to the high vowels’ (p. 12). 0 27.570229 91.875663 0 373 Thebo Tibetan (G-yi.ba) cda 4 41 1 Lin, You-Jing. 2014. Thebo. Phonological Profiles of Little-Studied Tibetic Varieties, ed. by Jackson T.-S. Sun, 211–263. Language and Linguistics Monograph Series 55. Taipei: Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica. The nearby Tshong.ru variety also has three voiceless prenasalised consonants, but only in a word-medial position. Tones 51 and 33 on short vowels can be thought of as corresponding to 44 and 24 on long vowels. 0 34.135552 103.144813 0 374 Jingpho (Gauri) kac 4 134 1 Kurabe, Keita. 2015. Issues in the historical phonology of Gauri Jingpho. Himalayan Linguistics 14.1–19. Diphthongs only occur in open syllables. 0 24.367651 97.514087 0 375 Estonian ekk 15 96 1 Asu, Eva Liina.; and Pire Teras. 2009. Estonian. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 39.367–372. doi:10.1017/S002510030999017X. The phonological analysis of vowel and consonant length follows Lehiste, Ilse. 1965. The Function of Quantity in Finnish and Estonian. Language 41.447–456. doi:10.2307/411787: “In the first syllable of a polysyllabic word, all nine vowels occur in three contrastive quantities” (p. 450); “The maximum number of consonantal quantity contrasts is found in the posi- tion between the vowel of the first syllable and that of the second. All consonants (except /v/) occur in this position in three contrastive quantities” (p. 450). The obligatory simplification of initial consonant clusters in loanwords is no longer productive in contemporary Estonian, but native words do not contain initial clusters. 0 59.4 24.7 0 376 Standard Arabic (Kuwait) afb 17 112 1 Thelwall, Robin.; and Akram M. Sa’adeddin. 1990. Arabic. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 20.37–39. “[x] is accompanied by uvular trill” (p. 53). The description of the syllable structure follows Al Tamimi, Yasser A.S.; and Yousef Al Shboul. 2013. Is the phonotactics of the Arabic complex coda sonority-based? Journal of King Saud University – Languages and Translation 25.21–33. doi:10.1016/j.jksult.2012.12.003. 0 29.31166 47.481766 0 377 Catalan (Eastern, Barcelona) cat 3 15 1 Carbonell, Joan F.; and Joaquim Llisterri. 1992. Catalan. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 22.53–56. The initial clusters are described following Wheeler, Max. 2005. The phonology of Catalan. The phonology of the world’s languages. Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press. 0 41.385064 2.173403 0 378 Iron Ossetic oss 3 14 1 David Erschler. 2017. Iron Ossetic. To appear in Polinsky, Maria (ed.) Handbook of the languages of the Caucasus. OUP. Draft “In standard Iron, /ts/ only survives in certain clusters. Glottal consonants are marginal; the glottal stop /ʔ/ is automatically epenthesized before word-initial /a/, /ɐ/, and /ə/, and sometimes between vowels. The glottal fricative /h/ is present in very few words... Labialized consonants may be alternatively analyzed as sequences of the respective consonant and the labial glide /w/” (p. 4). “No processes are known that would target syllables. Word-initial clusters are of the form šC, a schwa may be inserted word-initially to resolve the cluster. A glottal stop is often inserted to avoid a null onset word-initially. Word-final clusters usually consist of two consonants (e.g. ruχš ‘light’; bərənk’ ‘tip’, kalm ‘snake’), although some triconsonantal ones exist as well: wɐχšk ‘shoulder’; ɐχšt ‘shot’” (p. 5). 0 42.974399 44.249359 0 379 Croatian hrv 3 16 1 Landau, Ernestina; Mijo Lončarić; Damir Horga; and Ivo Škarić. 1995. Croatian. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 25.83–86. Croatian has distinctive rising and falling pitch contours on short and long stressed syllables. Monosyllabic words always have a falling accent. Falling accents only appear on the first syllable (except for a couple of exclamations); rising accents may appear on any syllable but the last. The description of the syllable structure follows Uzelac, Steven. 1971. Phonological constraints in Serbo-Croatian syllable margins and markedness in generative phonology. MA thesis. Simon Fraser University. 0 45.566801 17.360984 0 380 Persian (Tehran) pes 3 14 2 Windfuhr, Gernot L. 1997. Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus), volume 1. Editor: Alan S. Kaye. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns; Majidi, Mohammad-Reza.; and Elmar Ternes. 1999. Persian (Farsi). Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: a guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet, 123–124. Cambridge, U.K. ; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. 0 35.7 51.4 0 381 Portuguese (Lisbon) por 3 15 1 Cruz-Ferreira, Madalena. 1999. Portuguese (European). Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: a guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet, 126–127. Cambridge, U.K. ; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Syllable structure is described following Azevedo, Milton Mariano. 2005. Portuguese: a linguistic introduction. Cambridge, UK ; New York: Cambridge University Press. 0 38.7222524 -9.139 0 382 Thai (Standard) tha 9 70 1 Tingsabadh, M. R. Kalaya; and Arthur S. Abramson. 1993. Thai. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 23.24–28. doi:10.1017/S0025100300004746. Final /p, t, k, ʔ/ are unreleased. Final /ʔ/ is omitted in unstressed position, possibly with a change of tone. Some speakers lose /r/ in favour of /l/. 0 13.7563309 100.501765 0 383 Francoprovençal (St. Martin-en-Haut) frp 3 15 1 Kasstan, Jonathan Richard. 2015. Lyonnais (Francoprovençal). Journal of the International Phonetic Association 45.349–355. doi:10.1017/S0025100315000250. The inventory of diphthongs is not exhaustive. 0 45.653968 4.558849 0 384 Gascon (Béarnais) oci 3 15 1 Mooney, Damien. 2014. Béarnais (Gascon). Journal of the International Phonetic Association 44.343–350. doi:10.1017/S002510031400005X. 0 43.344444 -0.182203 0 385 Frisian (North) frr 3 8 3 Lasswell, Steven Theophilos. 1998. An ecological reference grammar of Sölring North Frisian. Santa Barbara, CA: UCSB dissertation. "The dental phoneme /ð/ is now very infrequent in usage, having largely merged into /r/ or /l/ in recent times (p. 87). Except for initially, the voiced [velar stops] are generally fricativized (p. 88). The (voiceless) palatal stop /c/ occurs medially and finally, in initial position and in initial consonant clusters, it is now affricated to [tʃ] (pp. 88–89). The velar [nasal] does not occur in initial position... The phoneme /r/ has the widest range of allophony of all the consonants. It is (a) trilled initially and (b) flapped as part of a cluster... Intervocalically, it is (c) a flap or, in rapid speech, an approximant. Before a stop, it occurs (d) as the voiceless velar fricative [x]. In final position (e) following the diphthong /au/ [aʷ], it is lost entirely; in other syllble-final environments, it vocalizes (f) to [ɐ̯] except for of Uastring.., for whom it also disappears (p. 89). In the labiodental series, final /v/ is devoiced... [M]edially in a voiced environment, [the voiceless alveolar sibilant] is voiced at the beginning of an unaccented syllable, particularly if the preceding syllable is long... PostaIveolar /ʃ/ occurs only in initial position (p. 90). The phoneme /x/ occurs only medially and finally, where it has two allophones: velar [x] following back vowels (including [a]) and palatal [ç] after front vowels... The glottal fricative occurs only syllable-initially... [The palatal approximant] is found only syllable-initially (p. 91). The long open-mid sounds /ɛː/ and /ɔː/, however, are relics that have lost their contrastiveness in the speech of most present-day speakers, having merged into the corresponding long close-mid phonemes (pp. 92–93). Willkommen (1991) posits only one ""true"" diphthong at the phonemic Ievel, namely /ua/... the sounds in the present-day language seem better characterized synchronicalIy as diphthongs (p. 96). The unstressed allophone of /e/ [is] [ə] (p. 99). [T]he medial cluster -njs- has... by now palatalized to [ɲʒ]... A consistent exception to [lowering of short vowels] is found in the tense, closed articulation [i] < /i/ before [ŋ] in both stressed and unstressed syllables (p. 101)." 0 54.9 8.333333333 0 386 Dargwa (Icari) dar 5 133 3 Sumbatova, Nina, and Rasul Mutalov. 2003. A Grammar of Icari Dargwa. Newcastle: LINCOM Europa. Pharyngealized and non-pharyngealized vowels are phonemically distinct... However, in most cases pharyngealization can be viewed as a phenomenon of the morphophonetic level, i.e. a property of a morpheme... Long vowels are rather marginal. In most cases, they result from sandhi processes at morphemic boundaries... there are a few roots and affixes containing long vowels (1.1). The sound [f] is attested only in a few ideophones... Icari also has labialized consonants... velar and uvular labialized consonants appear in a few nominal and verbal roots... Only velar and uvular labialized consonants (if any) can be treated as phonemes, the others are more adequately analysed as phonetic realisations of the consequence '(non-labialized) consonant + /u/'. (1.2). 0 41.99805556 47.57333333 0 387 Sumi (Sema) nsm 4 29 1 Teo, Amos. 2012. Sumi (Sema). Journal of the International Phonetic Association 42.365–373. doi:10.1017/S0025100312000254. The canonical syllable shape is CV. VC shape can appear due to sesquisyllabic effects (amla [am11 la11] ‘chest’—a relational prefix + the sesquisyllabic root ). Lexically onsetless syllables sometimes attach a glottal stop. Postalveolar affricates and fricatives turn into alveolars before [ɨ a]. /v/ turns to [w] before [o u]. /ɹ/ is found only in borrowed words, but displays native tonal contrasts. /ʒ/ is in free variation with [dʒ]. Velars palatalise to palatal obstruents before [i e]. 0 26.0 94.52377 0 388 Khalaj klj 16 135 1 Doerfer, Gerhard. 1988. Grammatik des Chaladsch. Turcologica Bd. 4. Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz. The consonant system given here is an abstraction over the systems of 20+ dialects surveyed by Doerfer, some of which may not have all of the phonemes (e.g., /g/ vs. /ɣ/ and /q/ vs. /ɢ/ are sometimes mutually exclusive). However, due to a high degree of interdialect influence and lexical mixing it seems infeasible to separate pure systems (details of which are not consistently given by Doerfer himself). /f ʒ/ are restricted to Iraninan borrowings; /dʒ/ is also found in borrowings and after /n/. /v w/ are inlaut variants of /b/, they vary freely; /m/ arises due to assimilation of /n/. 0 34.32 49.73 0 389 Chuvash chv 16 136 1 Clark, Larry. 1998. Chuvash. The Turkic languages, ed. by Lars Johanson and Éva Ágnes Csató, 435–452. Precise phonetic value of /œ ɞ/ is not certain. It was implied from verbal descriptions of ‘reduced’/‘lax’ vowels /ă ĕ/ in different sources. /o b d̪ g f z ʐ ts/ are found in Russian borrowings. 0 55.438623 47.119311 0 390 Bashkir bak 16 107 1 Poppe, Nicholas. 1964. Bashkir manual: Descriptive grammar and texts with a Bashkir-English glossary. Indiana University publications, Uralic and Altaic series 36. Bloomington: Indiana University. Vowel-initial syllables obligatorily acquire a glottal stop as onset. /f, v, ts, z, tʃ, ʒ, e, ɔ/ are found only in borrowings. Glottal stop has phonemic value only in borrowings from Arabic. The interpretation of the vowels inventory is preliminary. 0 53.0 55.6 0 391 So sss 8 58 1 Brian Migliazza, A grammar of So—A Mon-Khmer language of Northeast Thailand, PhD thesis, Mahidol inversity, 1998 /f/ is mostly found in loans form Thai. /w/ and /j/ are sometimes in free variation. /ia ua/ (in both registers) are in variation with [iɤ uɤ]. Breathy registered vowels ‘generally’ have a low-rising pitch. For a related language western Bru, /wʔ and /jʔ/ are treated in (Tebow and Lew 2013) not as clusters but as glottalised segments; the authors also posit prenasalised phonemic segments where Migliazza posits syllabic nasals in minor syllables. 0 17.356986 104.269954 0 392 Bru (Western) brv 8 58 1 Tebow, Charles Thomas II; and Sigrid Lew. 2013. A Phonological Description of Western Bru, Sakon Nakhorn Variety, Thailand. Mon-Khmer Studies 42.127–139. Unlike in So, vowels contrasts in minor syllables are entirely neutralised and the vowels are predictable from context, except in loan words. /f/ is found in borrowings from Thai as an allophone of /pʰ/, which usually replaces it. Initial vowels are preceded by a glottal stop. 0 17.370871 103.809554 0 393 Kazakh kaz 16 107 1 Kaydarov, A.T. 1996. Kazakhskiy yazyk. Yazyki mira. Tyurkskiye yazyki, ed. by Edgem R. Tenishev, 242–254. Moscow: RAS. Initial clusters are found in Russian loans. 0 49.924941 67.829377 0 394 Nogai nog 16 107 1 Csató, Éva Ágnes; and Birsel Karakoç. 1998. Noghay. The Turkic languages, ed. by Lars Johanson and Éva Ágnes Csató, 333–343; Baskakov, N.A. 1996. Nogayskiy yazyk. Yazyki mira. Tyurkskiye yazyki, ed. by Edgem R. Tenishev, 328–335. Moscow: RAS. /f ts tʃ/ are found in Russian loans. 0 45.434241 42.191366 0 395 Uzbek uzb 16 106 1 Boeschoten, Hendrik. 1998. Uzbek. The Turkic languages, ed. by Lars Johanson and Éva Ágnes Csató, 357–378. /ts ɕː/ are found in Russian loans. 0 41.228557 64.765392 0 396 Shor cjs 16 109 1 Donidze, G.I. 1996. Shorskiy yazyk. Yazyki mira. Tyurkskiye yazyki, ed. by Edgem R. Tenishev, 497–506. Moscow: RAS. /ts v f ɕː/ and palatalised coronals are found in Russian loans. 0 53.058381 88.014557 0 397 Balkar krc 16 107 1 Chechenov, A.A.; and I.Kh. Akhmatov. 1996. Balkarskiy yazyk. Yazyki mira. Tyurkskiye yazyki, ed. by Edgem R. Tenishev, 272–286. Moscow: RAS. Initial clusters found in loans. 0 43.611577 42.213575 0 398 Chulym clw 16 109 1 Biryukovich, R.M. 1996. Chulymsko-tyurkskiy yazyk. Yazyki mira. Tyurkskiye yazyki, ed. by Edgem R. Tenishev, 491–497. Moscow: RAS. The syllable inventory may be incomplete. 0 54.564277 78.326638 0 399 Ukrainian ukr 3 16 1 Pugh, Stefan; and Ian Press. 1999. Ukrainian: A comprehensive grammar. London ; New York: Routlege. 0 50.455084 30.526337 0 400 Kabardian kbd 21 121 1 Wood, Sidney A.J. 1991. A spectrographic analysis of vowel allophones in Kabardian. Lund Working Papers in Linguistics 42.241–250. 0 43.592999 42.840917 0 401 Zurich German gsw swis1247 3 8 3 Fleischer, Jürg & Stephan Schmid. 2006. Zurich German. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 36(2). 243–253. """Words can begin with a vowel; i.e. in contrast to Standard German, initial vowels are not preceded by the glottal stop [ʔ], which occurs only marginally, for example, in the reinforced negation particle [ˈnoeʔoe]/[ˈhoeʔoe] ‘nope’. Also in contrast to Standard German, unvoiced plosives before stressed vowels are not aspirated; rather, aspiration is lexically determined and typical of borrowed items, such as [pʰɒkx] ‘parcel’ or [tʰeː] ‘tea’. (Fleischer & Schmid 2006: 244). A striking structural feature of the Zurich German consonant system is that it completely lacks voiced obstruents; nevertheless, two series of homorganic obstruents are distinguished... In the present description, the terms ‘fortis’ and ‘lenis’ are employed in accordance with their traditional definition. Thus, the terms refer to two phonologically distinct series of homorganic obstruents that are both unvoiced, meaning that a feature other than [±voiced] is the phonetic correlate of the distinction (Fleischer & Schmid 2006: 245). The schwa vowel [ə] is restricted to unstressed syllables... In stressed syllables, all vowel qualities are used for both short and long phonemes with the exception of short /œ/, which has only a marginal status (Fleischer & Schmid 2006: 247).""" 1 47.377455 8.536715 212 0 402 Basque (Gernika) eus basq1248 10 71 2 Hualde, José Ignacio. 1991. Basque phonology. London: Routledge. 1 43.3 -2.7 15 0 403 Basque (Arbizu) eus basq1248 10 71 2 Hualde, José Ignacio. 1991. Basque phonology. London: Routledge. 1 42.9 -2.0 15 0 404 Abkhaz (Abzhywa) abk 21 120 2 Бгажба, Х.С. 1964. Бзыбский диалект абхазского языка. Тбилиси: Издательство Академии наук Грузинской ССР. f’/ is only found in one word meaning 'narrow'. /ʔ/ is also found in only one word, but the latter means 'no' and is thus hardly phonemic. 1 42.8 41.5 63 0 405 Arbëresh Albanian (Kundisa) aae 3 4 2 "Shkurtaj, Gjovalin. 2006. Ligjërimet arbëreshe. ""Gjuha e bukës"" dhe ""gjuha e zemrës"". Shqyrtime dialektologjike dhe sociolinguistike në ngulimet arbëreshe të Italisë. Tiranë." /θ/ and /ð/ might be absent. 1 37.73 13.18 28 0 406 Asturian (North-Eastern) ast 3 15 2 "Arias, Álvaro. 2009. El asturiano: situación actual y caracterización fonológica y morfosintáctica. Minorized Languages in Europe. State and Survival, ed. por Josep R. Guzmán y Joan Verdegal, Santiago de Compostela & Brno: Compostela Group of Universities & Masaryk University Press, 234–265." 1 43.3 -4.8 6 0 407 Brahui (Jahlawān) brh 12 74 2 "Andronov, M.S. 1980. The Brahui language. Moscow: ""Nauka"" publishing house, Central Department of Oriental Literature; Eflenbein, Josef. 1997. Brahui phonology. Phonologies of Asia and Africa (Including the Caucasus), volume 1. Eds: Alan S. Kaye. Winona Lake, Indiana: EISENBRAUNS." 1 25.8 66.5 156 0 408 Burushaski (Nagar) bsk 28 132 2 Anderson, Gregory D.S. 1997. Burushaski phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 1021–1041. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. 1 36.27 74.73 105 0 409 Burushaski (Werchikwar) bsk 28 132 2 Anderson, Gregory D.S. 1997. Burushaski phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 1021–1041. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. 1 36.38 73.33 105 0 410 Wazirwola (South Wazīrī) pst 3 14 2 Elfenbein, Josef. 1997. Pahsto phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 733–760. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. 1 32.3 69.6 311 0 411 Chechen (Pẋarçxoy Äqqiy) che 5 48 2 Арсаханов И.А. 1969. Чеченская диалектология. Грозный, Чечено-Ингушское книжное издательство. Äqqiy dialects other than Pẋarçxoy do not have the /ʕ/ phoneme. 1 43.12 46.48 17 0 412 Chechen (Şaroy) che 5 48 2 Арсаханов И.А. 1969. Чеченская диалектология. Грозный, Чечено-Ингушское книжное издательство. 1 42.63 45.8 17 0 413 Chechen (Ҫ̇äberloy) che 5 48 2 Арсаханов И.А. 1969. Чеченская диалектология. Грозный, Чечено-Ингушское книжное издательство. 1 42.6 46.0 17 0 414 Czech (Moravian) ces 3 16 2 Šárka Šimáčková; Václav Jonáš Podlipský; Kateřina Chládková. 2012. Czech spoken in Bohemia and Moravia. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 42/2. 1 49.2 16.6 152 0 415 Meadow Mari (Joškar-Ola) mhr 15 97 2 Галкин, И.С.; Исанбаев, Н.И.; Пенгитов, Н.Т.; Барцева З.Ф. (eds.) 1960. Современный марийский язык. Фонетика. Йошкар-Ола: Марийское книжное издательство. /ɸ/, /x/ might occur in borrowings in some speakers. 1 56.6 47.9 57 0 416 Meadow Mari (Volga) mhr 15 97 2 Галкин, И.С.; Исанбаев, Н.И.; Пенгитов, Н.Т.; Барцева З.Ф. (eds.) 1960. Современный марийский язык. Фонетика. Йошкар-Ола: Марийское книжное издательство. 1 56.0 48.0 57 0 417 Irish (Corca Dhuibhne) gle 3 7 3 Ó Sé, Diarmuid. 2000. Gaeilge Chorca Dhuibhne. Institiúd Teangeolaíochta Éireann, Dublin. 1 52.1334874 -10.454521 247 0 418 Kabardian (Turkish) kbd 21 121 2 Gordon, Matthew; Applebaum, Ayla. 2006. Phonetic Structures of Turkish Kabardian. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 36 (2), 159-186. /oː/, /eː/, /uː/, /iː/ are non-phonemic. [ɣʷ] is an allophone of /gʷ/ non-word-initially. 1 38.72 36.39 400 0 419 Kabardian (Ulyap) kbd 21 121 2 Мороз, Г.А. 2012. Консонантная система уляпского говора в сопоставлении с аналогами других диалектов адыгских языков. Москва: Высшая школа экономики (http://www.hse.ru/data/2014/02/11/1327605680/2012%20%D0%9A%D0%BE%D0%BD%D1%81%D0%BE%D0%BD%D0%B0%D0%BD%D1%82%D0%BD%D0%B0%D1%8F%20%D1%81%D0%B8%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B5%D0%BC%D0%B0%20%D1%83%D0%BB%D1%8F%D0%BF%D1%81%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%B3%D0%BE%20%D0%B3%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%BE..%D1%80%D1%83%D0%B3%D0%B8%D1%85%20%D0%B4%D0%B8%D0%B0%D0%BB%D0%B5%D0%BA%D1%82%D0%BE%D0%B2%20%D0%B0%D0%B4%D1%8B%D0%B3%D1%81%D0%BA%D0%B8%D1%85%20%D1%8F%D0%B7%D1%8B%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%B2.pdf) 1 45.05 39.95 400 0 420 Northern Khanty (Polui Obdorsk) kca 15 103 2 Николаева, Ирина А. 1995. Обдорский диалект хантыйского языка. Москва; Гамбург. 1 66.56 66.55 22 0 421 Northern Khanty (Sob Obdorsk) kca 15 103 2 Николаева, Ирина А. 1995. Обдорский диалект хантыйского языка. Москва; Гамбург. 1 66.33 66.1 22 0 422 Lao (Chieng Khouang) lao 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. Vowel length was not investigated. 1 19.3258785 103.3746135 214 0 423 Laz (Ardeşen) lzz 6 50 2 Kojima, Goichi; Bucaklişi, İsmail. 2003. Lazca Gramer. Laz Grammar. Chiviyazilari Yayınevi, İstanbul. 1 41.19 40.98 4 0 424 Laz (Borçka) lzz 6 50 2 Kojima, Goichi; Bucaklişi, İsmail. 2003. Lazca Gramer. Laz Grammar. Chiviyazilari Yayınevi, İstanbul. 1 40.87 39.43 4 0 425 Laz (Hopa) lzz 6 50 2 Kojima, Goichi; Bucaklişi, İsmail. 2003. Lazca Gramer. Laz Grammar. Chiviyazilari Yayınevi, İstanbul. /qχʼ/ varies freely with /qʼ/ and /χʼ/. 1 41.41 41.43 4 0 426 Laz (Pazar) lzz 6 50 2 Kojima, Goichi; Bucaklişi, İsmail. 2003. Lazca Gramer. Laz Grammar. Chiviyazilari Yayınevi, İstanbul. 1 41.17 40.88 4 0 427 Lezgian (İsmayıllı) lez 5 47 2 Smith, Jessica. 2010. Placing İsmayıllı Lezgi among the Lezgi dialects. MA Thesis. University of North Dakota. 1 40.93 48.05 114 0 428 Lithuanian (North Samogitian) lit 3 6 2 Balode, Laimute; Holvoet, Axel. 2001. The Lithuanian language and its dialects. Circum-Baltic Languages. Volume I: Past and Present, 41–79. John Benjamins Publishing Company: Amsterdam; Philadelphia. Stød is found instead of the tonal oppositions. 1 55.98 22.25 274 0 429 Lithuanian (South Samogitian) lit 3 6 2 Balode, Laimute; Holvoet, Axel. 2001. The Lithuanian language and its dialects. Circum-Baltic Languages. Volume I: Past and Present, 41–79. John Benjamins Publishing Company: Amsterdam; Philadelphia. Stød is found instead of the tonal oppositions. 1 55.73 22.37 274 0 430 Lithuanian (West Samogitian) lit 3 6 2 Balode, Laimute; Holvoet, Axel. 2001. The Lithuanian language and its dialects. Circum-Baltic Languages. Volume I: Past and Present, 41–79. John Benjamins Publishing Company: Amsterdam; Philadelphia. Stød is found instead of the tonal oppositions. 1 55.71 21.13 274 0 431 Moksha (Southwest) mdf 15 98 2 Бондарко, Л.В.; Полякова, О.Е. 1993. Современные мордовские языки. Фонетика. Саранск: Мордовское книжное издательство. 1 54.0 43.0 42 0 432 Tundra Nenets (Far Eastern) yrk 15 102 2 Salminen, Tapani. 1998. Nenets. The Uralic languages, 516–547. Ed.: Daniel Abondolo. London & New York: Routledge. 1 66.53 66.6 173 0 433 Tundra Nenets (Western) yrk 15 102 2 Salminen, Tapani. 1998. Nenets. The Uralic languages, 516–547. Ed.: Daniel Abondolo. London & New York: Routledge. 1 67.9 44.2 173 0 434 Hill Mari (Jaransk) mrj 15 97 2 Галкин, И.С.; Исанбаев, Н.И.; Пенгитов, Н.Т.; Барцева З.Ф. (eds.) 1960. Современный марийский язык. Фонетика. Йошкар-Ола: Марийское книжное издательство. 1 57.3 47.9 304 0 435 Western Balochi (Afghani Raxšānī) bgn 3 14 2 Elfenbein, Josef. 1997. Balochi phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 761–776. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. /f/, /q/, /ʔ/ are found in careful educated speech. 1 30.1 62.6 185 0 436 Western Balochi (Lāšārī) bgn 3 14 2 Elfenbein, Josef. 1997. Balochi phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 761–776. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. /f/, /q/, /ʔ/ are found in careful educated speech. 1 28.3 68.5 185 0 437 Western Balochi (Southern Raxšānī) bgn 3 14 2 Elfenbein, Josef. 1997. Balochi phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 761–776. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. /f/, /q/, /ʔ/ are found in careful educated speech. 1 27.0 64.0 185 0 438 Udmurt (Bavly) udm 15 99 2 Тараканов, И.В. 1959. Фонетические особенности бавлинского диалекта удмуртского языка (в свете экспериментальных данных). Тарту: Тартуский государственный университет. [e̞] is an allophone of /ɛ/ word-medially if preceded by a vowel (except /ʉ/) or a palatal; /f/ and /t̻s̻/ are restricted to recent borrowings; /j/ is [i̯] in coda position. 1 54.19 53.25 87 0 439 Udmurt (Krasnoufimsk) udm 15 99 2 Насибуллин, Р.Ш. 1978. Наблюдения над языком красноуфимских удмуртов // О диалектах и говорах южноудмуртского наречия (сборник статей и материалов). Ижевск: Научно-исследовательский институт при Совете министров Удмуртской ССР. /s/ and /z/ are restricted to recent borrowings. 1 56.3 58.0 87 0 440 Udmurt (Udmurt Tašly) udm 15 99 2 Тараканов, И.В. 1959. Фонетические особенности бавлинского диалекта удмуртского языка (в свете экспериментальных данных). Тарту: Тартуский государственный университет. [e̞] is an allophone of /ɛ/ word-medially if preceded by a vowel (except /ʉ/) or a palatal; /f/ and /t̻s̻/ are restricted to recent borrowings; /j/ is [i̯] in coda position. 1 54.3 53.1 87 0 441 English (Liverpool) udm 3 8 3 Watson, Kevin. 2007. Liverpool English. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 37(3). 351–360. Dental fricatives /θ, ð/ are often realised as dental stops [t̪, d̪] both word-initially, medially and finally, although dental fricatives are also found... Post-vocalic /r/ is absent in LE, so that words like car, farm, park are r-less. In prevocalicand intervocalic positions, /r/ is typically realised as [ɹ] or [ɾ]... LE is similar to other accents in the north of England in that the /g/ in clusters is maintained... For /t/, affrication is common word-initially, whilst spirantisation is common in intervocalic and word-final positions... As well as realising /t/ as an oral fricative, it can also be debuccalised to [h]... It is also common for speakers to realise /k/ as an affricate or a fricative, too, as the speaker’s various tokens of cloak testify... Fricativisation of /p/ also occurs, typically to [ɸ], but this is much less frequent than that of /t/ or /k/... Phonetic fricatives are also found for the voiced plosives /b, d, g/, although of these the lenition of /d/ is by far the most common. Because final-devoicing is common in LE, as it is in other varieties of English, the fricative realisations of /b, d, g/ are rarely voiced in final position (Watson 2007). 1 53.4200911 -2.9108429 181 0 442 Spanish (Murcian) spa 3 15 1 Monroy, Rafael; and Juan Manuel Hernández-Campoy. 2015. Murcian Spanish. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 45.229–240. The inventory of triphthongs may be incomplete. 1 38.1398141 -1.3662 177 0 443 Catalan (Mallorcan) cat 3 15 2 Lloret, Maria-Rosa. 2011. La fonologia del català. Col. «El que sabem de...» Articles de suport a la docència. Barcelona: Santillana. T = obstruent. 1 39.6 3.0 227 0 444 Catalan (Southern Valencian) cat 3 15 2 Lloret, Maria-Rosa. 2011. La fonologia del català. Col. «El que sabem de...» Articles de suport a la docència. Barcelona: Santillana. T = obstruent. 1 39.0 -0.2 227 0 445 Southern Tai (Ko Samui) sou 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. The inventory of half-long vowels is incomplete. 1 9.5214157 100.0482144 111 0 446 Southern Tai (Surat) sou 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. The phonemic status of [ʷr] is doubtful. The inventory of long vowels is clearly incomplete. 1 9.1382389 99.3217 111 0 447 Sindhi (Jacobabad) snd 3 11 2 Raza, Sarfraz; Zahid, Agha Furrukh; Raza, Usman. 2004. Phonemic inventory of Sindhi and acoustic analysis of voiced implosives. CRULP Annual Student Report. 1 28.3 68.5 287 0 448 Solu Sherpa (Lukla) xsr 4 41 1 Kelly, Barbara. 2004. A grammar and glossary of the Sherpa language. Tibeto-Burman languages of Nepal: Manange and Sherpa, ed. by Carol Genetti, 193–321. Pacific linguistics 557. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University. Breathy voice is on its way out. /ĩ/ is found only in verbal forms. /s/ appears finally only in one word. ‘Voiced stops are prenasalised in word-initial position.’ Perhaps we ought to replace voiced series with a voiced-prenasalised one. 1 27.686498 86.730259 237 0 449 Shan (Kunlong) shn 9 70 1 Gedney, William J. 1994. Southwestern Tai dialects: glossaries, texts and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 42. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan. Морев 1983 reports initial clusters in generalised Shan. 1 23.416667 98.65 131 0 450 Shan (Luxi) shn 9 70 1 Gedney, William J. 1994. Southwestern Tai dialects: glossaries, texts and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 42. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan. ‘The spirants s, š, ž have been only superficially investigated.’ 1 24.43369 98.588 131 0 451 Shan (Zhe Fang) shn 9 70 1 Gedney, William J. 1994. Southwestern Tai dialects: glossaries, texts and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 42. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan. 1 24.252679 98.276241 131 0 452 Northern Qiang (Hongyan) cng 4 37 1 Evans, Jonathan P. 2006. Vowel quality in Hongyan Qiang. Language and Linguistics 7.937–960. 1 32.069054 103.118667 225 0 453 Nyaw (Sakhon Nakhon) nyw 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. Vowel length was not investigated. 1 17.166421 104.148606 160 0 454 Phu Tai (Waritchaphum) pht 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. Vowel length was not investigated. 1 17.2936988 103.636886 132 0 455 Northeastern Thai (Loei) tts 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. Vowel length was not investigated. 1 17.4860232 101.7223 7 0 456 Northeastern Thai (Nakhon Phanom) tts 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. Vowel length was not investigated. 1 17.392 104.77 7 0 457 Northeastern Thai (Nong Khai) tts 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. Vowel length was not investigated. 1 17.8782803 102.7412638 7 0 458 Northeastern Thai (Roi Et) tts 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. Vowel length was not investigated. 1 16.0538196 103.652 7 0 459 Iron Ossetic (Alagir) oss 3 14 2 "Testen, David. 1997. Ossetic phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 707–731. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns; Бекоев, Д.Г. 1985. Иронский диалект осетинского языка. Цхинвали: Издательство ""Ирыстон""." /kʰʷ/, /kʷ/, /g̊ʷ/, /kʼʷ/, /qʷ/, /χʷ/, /ʁʷ/ are found uphill. 1 43.04 44.22 378 0 460 Iron Ossetic (Ksani) oss 3 14 2 "Testen, David. 1997. Ossetic phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 707–731. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns; Бекоев, Д.Г. 1985. Иронский диалект осетинского языка. Цхинвали: Издательство ""Ирыстон""." 1 42.12 44.48 378 0 461 Iron Ossetic (Kurtat) oss 3 14 2 "Testen, David. 1997. Ossetic phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 707–731. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns; Бекоев, Д.Г. 1985. Иронский диалект осетинского языка. Цхинвали: Издательство ""Ирыстон""." 1 42.78 44.23 378 0 462 Iron Ossetic (Roka) oss 3 14 2 "Testen, David. 1997. Ossetic phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 707–731. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns; Бекоев, Д.Г. 1985. Иронский диалект осетинского языка. Цхинвали: Издательство ""Ирыстон""." 1 42.57 44.12 378 0 463 Iron Ossetic (Tual-Ch) oss 3 14 2 "Testen, David. 1997. Ossetic phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 707–731. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns; Бекоев, Д.Г. 1985. Иронский диалект осетинского языка. Цхинвали: Издательство ""Ирыстон""." 1 42.46 44.05 378 0 464 Iron Ossetic (Tual-S) oss 3 14 2 "Testen, David. 1997. Ossetic phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 707–731. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns; Бекоев, Д.Г. 1985. Иронский диалект осетинского языка. Цхинвали: Издательство ""Ирыстон""." 1 42.68 44.02 378 0 465 Iron Ossetic (Upper Alagir) oss 3 14 2 "Testen, David. 1997. Ossetic phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 707–731. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns; Бекоев, Д.Г. 1985. Иронский диалект осетинского языка. Цхинвали: Издательство ""Ирыстон""." 1 42.65 44.13 378 0 466 Iron Ossetic (Urs-Tual) oss 3 14 2 "Testen, David. 1997. Ossetic phonology. Kaye, Alan S., and Peter T. Daniels (eds.) Phonologies of Asia and Africa (including the Caucasus). Vol. 1, 707–731. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns; Бекоев, Д.Г. 1985. Иронский диалект осетинского языка. Цхинвали: Издательство ""Ирыстон""." 1 42.53 44.1 378 0 467 Lao (Luang Prabang) lao 9 70 1 Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak (eds.) 1997. William J. Gedney’s Tai dialect studies: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia no. 45. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, The University of Michigan. Vowel length was not investigated. 1 19.8833959 102.1346874 214 0 468 Basque (Ondarroa) eus 10 71 2 Hualde, José Ignacio. 1991. Basque phonology. London: Routledge. 1 43.3 -2.4 15 0 469 Scots (Northern) sco 3 8 3 Millar, Robert McColl. 2007. Northern and Insular Scots. Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press. 1 57.1499012 -2.1260369 181 0 470 Jeju jje 22 122 5 Yeon, Jaehoon. 2012. Korean dialects: a general survey. Tranter (ed.), The languages of Japan and Korea. Routledge. 168-185. 0 33.5129 126.5232 0 471 Southeast Korean (Gyeongsang) kor 22 122 5 Yeon, Jaehoon. 2012. Korean dialects: a general survey. Tranter (ed.), The languages of Japan and Korea. Routledge. 168-185. 1 35.866667 128.6 92 0 472 Southwest Korean (Jeolla) kor 22 122 5 Yeon, Jaehoon. 2012. Korean dialects: a general survey. Nicolas Tranter (ed.), The languages of Japan and Korea. Routledge. 168-185. 1 35.159444 126.8525 92 0 473 Northwest Korean (Pyeongan) kor 22 122 5 Yeon, Jaehoon. 2012. Korean dialects: a general survey. Nicolas Tranter (ed.), The languages of Japan and Korea. Routledge. 168-185. 1 39.019444 125.738056 92 0 474 Khasi kha 8 59 5 Nagaraja, K. S. 2014. Standard Khasi. In Sidwell, Paul, and Mathias Jenny (eds.), The Handbook of Austroasiatic Languages. Leiden: Brill. 1145-1185. 0 24.98 92.0 0 475 Chong cog 8 65 5 Premsrirat, Suwilai & Rojanakul, Nattamon. 2014. Chong. In Sidwell, Paul, and Mathias Jenny (eds.), The Handbook of Austroasiatic Languages. Leiden: Brill. 603-640. 0 12.52 102.51 0 476 Chrau crw 8 57 5 Thomas, David D. 1971. Chrau Grammar. University of Hawaii Press. 0 10.8 107.29 0 477 Mon mnw 8 137 5 Jenny, Mathias. 2014. Modern Mon. In Sidwell, Paul, and Mathias Jenny (eds.), The Handbook of Austroasiatic Languages. Leiden: Brill. 553-600. 0 15.49 98.12 0 478 Southern Vietnamese (Saigon) vie 8 66 5 Brunelle, Marc. 2014. Vietnamese (Tiếng Việt). In Sidwell, Paul, and Mathias Jenny (eds.), The Handbook of Austroasiatic Languages. Leiden: Brill. 909-954. 1 10.8 106.65 190 0 479 Northern Khmer kxm 8 60 5 Premsirat, Suwilai & Phuitsarakit, Orawan. 1996. The Characteristics and Distributions of Northern Khmer: The past, present and future of some dynamic final consonants. Mahidol University. 1 14.47 103.86 126 0 480 Jin cjy 4 38 4 Shěn, Míng. 1994. Tàiyuán fāngyán cídiǎn 太原方言詞典 [A dictionary of the Taiyuan dialect]. Nanjing: Jiāngsū Jiāoyù Chūbǎnshè. 0 37.866667 112.55 0 481 Mnar 8 59 1 Rymbai, Ruth. 2018. Typological characteristics of Mnar. North East Indian Linguistics (NEIL)8, 1-16. Final /w/ and /j/ can also be treated as second components of diphthongs. /l, r, m, n, ŋ/ can serve as nuclei of first parts of sesquisyllables (cf. pynjip ‘cause to kill’). 0 25.897552 91.585171 0 482 Budukh bdk budu1248 5 47 1 Талибов Б.Б. Будухский язык. Москва: Academia, 2007. /ts/ is found only in Russian borrowings. Uvular affricates are described as stops ‘following the Caucasological tradition’. Of four uvular plosives mentioned on p. 27, only three made it to the table on p. 35: /q/ is not mentioned there. Also out of three palato-alveolar affricates mentioned on p. 29, only two are mentioned in the table: /dʒ/ was left out. 0 41.182856 48.370708 0 483 Khinalugh kjj khin1240 5 44 1 Кибрик А.Е., Коздасов С.В., Оловянникова И.П. 1972. Фрагменты грамматики хиналугского языка. Москва: Издательство Московского университета. /ø/ is found only in borrowings from Azeri. Palatals are treated as palatalised velars for the sake of simplicity of description. 0 41.182143 48.129267 0 484 Kryz (Alik) kry kryt1240 5 47 1 Gilles Authier. 2009. Grammaire kryz: Langue caucasique d’Azerbaïdjan, dialecte d’Alik. Paris: Peeters. /qʲʼ/ and /kʲ/ serve to distinguish only one pair of words each. Plain (non-aspirated and non-glottalised) voiceless consonants are voiced after vowels, but voiceless word initially (/gʷ/, /q/, and /qʷ/ become voiced fricatives after vowels). /v/ is ‘practically’ in complementary distribution with /u/, but they are not treated as a single phoneme. /h/ has an epiglottal allophone, which used to be a distinct phoneme. Overall the description of consonants is inconsistent: the table of phonemes does not list all segments (all consonants with secondary articulations are missing), and the list of segments omits one sound from the table (“c”=tʃ/dʒ); a list of examples at the end of the chapter has a segment /χʷ/ not previously mentioned anywhere. /v/ is described as a fricative in the table and then again in the list of consonants, but the list of ‘Sonantes’ also has a /v/, presumably a /w/ (because sonorants are postulated not to participate in any oppositions, and /v/ is in opposition with /f/). The list of consonants therefore is not foolproof. /i/ has allophones [i] and [ɨ] in complementary distribution. /a/ is realised as [æ] near front consonants; however, in loanwords Azeri [æ] is adapted to [a]. In closed syllables, certain sequences of vowels + glides surface as rounded front vowels and /o/; the same vowels in Azeri borrowings, however, get adapted. /tʃ/ and /ɣ/ are not found in word-final position. 0 41.174437 48.235661 Kryts 0 485 Tsakhur (Mishlesh) tkr tsak1249 5 47 1 Кодзасов С.В. 1999. Фонетика. In: Кибрик А.Е., Тестелец Я.Г. (ред.) Элементы цахурского языка в типологическом освещении. Моква: Наследие, 14–47. "R — sonorant, T — obstruent. /tʷ, tʷː, tsʷʼ, ʃʷ, ʃʷː, hʷ/ are rare and were not included in the phonemic table in the source. Long segments are found only intervocalically and are split by syllabification. Therefore, they are not treated as phonemic, although they are included in the table of phonemes in the source. /ɘ/ is denoted as /ɨ/ in the source, although it is stated that it is a close-mid vowel. Glottal stop is realised as creaky voice but may resurface as a glottal stop or as an epiglottal stop (there is an inconsistency in the description) in the context of pharyngealisation. /h/ is pronounced as an epiglottal fricative when pharyngealised. Pharyngealisation is treated as a word-level prosody spreading from left to right and blocked by front vowels; in addition to changing the quality of vowels and laryngeals, it also leads to palatalisation of denti-alveolars and velars. Two other ‘timbre’ phenomena are noted but not investigated in detail: raised glottis leading to ‘emphatic palatalisation’ and ‘super clear’ pronunciation of vowels. /f/ is found only in borrowings. /qʰ/ is a plosive, which is uncommon in the languages of Daghestan. Uvulars are generally not as deep as in other Daghestanian languages. Labialisation is losing its phonemic status in the speech of younger speakers. Palatalisation is weak: palatalised velars are not realised as palatals, and palatalised dentals are not affricated." 0 41.664858 47.089903 Caxur 0 486 Aghul (Huppuq’) agx aghu1253 5 47 1 Maisak Timur. 2008. The Agul language in its Daghestanian context. Paper presented at the Seminar on Noun Phrase Typology (TypoULM), École Normale Supérieure, Paris, November 17, 2008. https://www.academia.edu/255835/The_Agul_language_in_its_Daghestanian_context_2008_ "/æ, o/ are rare; /o/ is mostly found in Russian borrowings. /ʕ/ shares a column with /ʡ, ʜ/ so it may be a voiced epiglottal fricative." 0 41.836219 47.660186 0 487 Muslim Tat (Erzikyush-Dagkushchu) ttt musl1236 3 14 1 Грюнберг А.Л. 1963. Язык североазербайджанских татов. Ленинград: АН СССР. "/ʒ, ʕ/ are used ‘sporadically or not in all dialects’. /ei/ is often realised as a monophthong [e]. Some words display vowel harmony (spreading from the root both to the left and to the right), which is not lexically regular." 0 40.954389 48.914125 0 488 Tangam tang1377 4 40 1 Post, Mark. 2013. The Tangam language of Kugïng Tëërang. Paper presented at ICSTLL46. The number and natures of tonal categories are not final. 0 28.955454 94.990659 0 489 Ta’Oi tth 8 58 5 L-Thongkhum, Theraphan. 2001. ภาษาของนานาชนเผ่าในแขวงเซกอง ลาวใต้. กรุงเทพฯ : สำนักงานกองทุนสนับสนุนการวิจัย (สกว.). 0 16.19 107.06 0 490 Khamnigan Evenki evn 11 72 5 Janhunen, Juha. 1991. Material on Manchurian Khamnigan Evenki. Helsinki: Finno-Ugrian Society. 1 50.39124 119.11702 189 0 491 Uilta oaa 11 72 5 Tsumagari, Toshiro. 2009. Grammatical outline of Uilta (revised). Journal of the Graduate School of Letters 4. 1-21. 0 49.36 143.13 Orok 0 492 Nanai gld 11 73 1 V.A. Avrorin. 1959. Grammatika nanajskogo jazyka. Vol. 1. Moscow: Akademia Nauk SSSR. /j/ is not found syllable- and word-finally. Nasal vowels are found only word-finally. /ɪ̃/ is rare because it often becomes /ĩ/. Long nasal vowels are impossible on the surface because word-finally long vowels are shortened. However, they may be posited underlyingly based on alternations (ulẽ ‘good’ > uleːɲdʒi ‘well’). 0 49.281267 136.462078 Hezhen 0 493 Archi aqc 5 47 1 Kibrik, A. E.; S. V. Kodzasov.; I. P. Olovjannikova.; and D. S. Samedov. 1977. Opyt strukturnogo opisanija archinskogo jazyka. Vol. 1. Izdatelstvo Moskovskogo universiteta. "N — sonorant. Voiced plosives sometimes lose voicing. Pharyngealisation is postulated as a prosody." 0 42.240031 46.833793 0 494 Halbi hlb halb1244 3 11 1 F. Woods, “Sentence patterns in Halbi,” in Patterns in clause, sentence, and discourse in selected languages of India and Nepal. I: Sentence and discourse, R. S. Trail, Ed. SIL, 1973, pp. 35–123. Precise phonetic values are not elaborated upon. Nasalised vowels may be phonetically long. 0 19.184159 81.924043 0 495 Kupia key kupi1238 3 11 1 R. B. Christmas and Christmas, J.E., “Sentence patterns in Kupia,” in Patterns in clause, sentence, and discourse in selected languages of India and Nepal. I: Sentence and discourse, R. S. Trail, Ed. SIL, 1973, pp. 125–195. Precise phonetic values are not elaborated upon. 0 18.103151 82.654296 0 496 Marathi mar mara1378 3 11 1 Dhoṅgaḍe, Rameśa; and Kashi Wali. 2009. Marathi. London Oriental and African language library v. 13. Amsterdam ; Philadelphia: John Benjamins Pub. Co. /ɒ, æ/ are used in English loanwords. Initial clusters mostly occur in Sanskrit and English borrowings and are split or prothesised in dialects. 0 19.299217 75.423381 0 497 Kashmiri kas kash1277 3 11 1 Koul, Omkar N.; and Kashi Wali. 2002. Kashmiri: A cognitive-descriptive grammar. Routledge. Vowel-initial syllables are found only word initially. /ɔː/ is found in one word, according to some authorities, but this is analysis is disputed. /ɔ/ is also rare. 0 34.08505 74.799026 0 498 Konkani (Goa Hindu) gom goan1235 3 11 1 Miranda, Rocky V. 2003. Konkani. The Indo-Aryan Languages, ed. by George Cardona and Dhanesh Jain, 803–846. Routledge. 0 15.372239 74.039866 0 499 Bajjika 3 11 1 Kashyap, Abhishek. 2014. On the linguistic resources of Bajjika. The languages of Bihar, ed. by Vibha Chauban, 1–30. Orient Blackswan. The precise phonetic value of the back vowel /ɒ/ and it nasalised counterpart is not certain. 0 26.165297 85.591924 0 500 Kanauji (Kanpur) bjj kana1281 3 11 1 Dwivedi, Pankaj; and Somdev Kar. 2016. Kanauji of Kanpur: A brief overview. Acta Linguistica Asiatica 6.101–119. Final clusters are rare; geminates /d̪d̪ʰ, rr, pp, ll, kk, mm, ʈʈ/ are reported as final clusters — phonologically long consonants? /æ/ is found in English borrowings; /f, v, z, ʃ/ are used by speakers who know Hindi (presumably in Hindi borrowings). 0 26.29139 80.320851 0 501 Japanese jpn nucl1643 13 83 3 Labrune, Laurence. 2012. The Phonology of Japanese. New York: Oxford University Press. """Japanese /i/, /e/, and /o/ are slightly less tense than the corresponding cardinal vowels... /u/ is generally rather unrounded, especially in Tôkyô Japanese. Its phonetic quality varies between [ɯ], [ɯ̈], [ᶶ], and [ᶤ] (p. 26). The high vowels /i/ and /u/... have devoiced allophones in certain contexts, for example hiku° [çi̥kɯ] ‘to draw’, de su [desɯ̥] (p. 29). /a/ and /o/ also undergo devoicing but in a more occasional manner (p. 35). [T]he pronunciation of long e as [ei] is now spreading among some speakers of the standard language (p. 41). Sequences of two different vowels are very frequent in Modern Japanese. All the possible combinations between the five vocalic elements are attested, namely iu, ie, io, ia, ui, ue, uo, ua, ei, eu, eo, ea, oi, ou, oe, oa, ai, au, ae, ao. Each vowel in these sequences represents one mora, and is distinctly articulated... Sequences of three or four vowels, or even more, are easy to find (p. 54). I consider that it is mistaken to regard V1V2 sequences as diphthongs since I know of no phonetic or phonological evidence which would prove that they are. They are simply a succession of two distinct vocalic nuclei, each with its own prosodic weight representing one mora (p. 55). The alveolar plosive /t/ has three allophones: the apico-alveolar (or apico-dental) [t] before a,e, and o; two affricate consonants: [ʨ] before i and y and [ts] before u (p. 63). The consonant /d/ displays even more varied realizations: [d] before a,e, and o in any position, and, inside words, [ʑ] before i and y, and [z] or [dz] before u. Word-initially, it is frequently realized as [dʑ] before i and y, and as [dz] before u (p. 64). Some speakers realize /g/ as a plosive [ɡ] word-initially but as a nasal [ŋ] in intervocalic position under certain conditions... The fricative /s/ has two main allophones: [s] before u,e,o, and a, and a pre-dorso-palatal [ɕ] (or dorso-palatal [ç]) before i and y. The /z/ consonant has two or even three realizations: [z] before u, e, o, and a inside words; [ʑ] or [dʑ] before i and y, and finally, for certain speakers, [dz] before u, e, o, a word-initially or after the mora nasal /N/. Before u, the affricate consonant [dz] sometimes occurs even in word-internal position (p. 65). Although sh, j, and ch are sometimes transcribed by means of the IPA symbols [∫], [Ʒ], and [t∫], the closest IPA transcription of these sounds is [ɕ], [ʑ], and [tɕ] (or [ç], [ʝ], and [tç] before i and y), since they are actually alveolo-palatals or pre-dorso-palatals. Note in addition that they are articulated with no marked lip-rounding, and a flattened tongue blade (p. 67). [I]t is preferable to consider that they correspond phonologically to simple consonants followed by the palatal element y: sh [ɕ] = /sy/, j [ʑ] = /zy/ or /dy/, ch [tɕ] = /ty/ (p. 68). The fricative /h/ has the following realizations: [h] before a,e, and o, [ç] or [ɕ] before i and y for many speakers (especially in Tôkyô speech), and [ɸ] before u (p. 70). A rather peculiar segment realized as a moraic m (IPA [m̩]) is sometimes heard in the speech of older speakers, or in certain forms of the traditional Japanese theatre (p. 78). The nasal consonant /n/ is apico-dental or apico-alveolar. A majority of Japanese phoneticians mention a palatal realization [ɲ] before the vowel i and the glide y, but it seems to me that palatalization is not very marked... The phonological status of the dorso-velar nasal consonant [ŋ]... in Tôkyô Japanese has been a much debated issue (p. 79). The labiovelar glide /w/ is slightly less rounded than its English counterpart (for instance in way). Its phonetic realization is between that of the symbols [ɰ] and [w] of the IPA (p. 91). The prototypic realization of the only Japanese liquid /r/ is [ɾ], the apico-alveolar flap... Outside [ɾ], the following phonetic (social or regional) realizations are attested: [l], [ᶩ], [r], [rː], [d], [ɽ], [ɮ] (p. 93). [Consonants f [ɸ] and v [β]] result from the phonologization of sounds already existing in the language but with no phonemic status [prior to the influx of borrowings] (p. 98). The term “special segments” refers to the three moraic segments of Japanese, which constitute a rather unique feature of the language and have been granted special status in traditional Japanese analyses, namely the mora nasal /N/, the first part of an obstruent geminate /Q/ and the second part of a long vowel /R/ (p. 133). /N/, the mora nasal, is a generic nasal contoid, with no definite place of articulation. By default, in slow speech and before a pause, /N/ is a uvular realized with no dorsal occlusion and transcribed as [N]... Before oral or nasal labial stops /p/, /b/, /m/, it is realized as [m].., before the alveolars /t/, /d/, /n/, as [n].., and before the velars /k/ and /g/, as [ŋ]... Before the fricatives /h/, /s/, and /z/, be they palatalized or not, phoneticians disagree about its place of articulation: /N/ is either realized as the nasalized version of the preceding vowel.., as a fricative nasal, or even a nasalized high vowel [ɯ̃] or [ĩ]... Before the semiconsonants /w/ and /y/ and before vowels, the special segment /N/ is phonetically a nasal vowel whose quality is said to be that of the preceding vowel (p. 134). Another notable fact about /N/ is that it can never be linked to an onset position before a vowel. It can never be resyllabified either (p. 136). [T]he syllable is not a relevant unit in the phonology of Japanese (p. 143). The accent of Tôkyô Japanese consists of a distinctive lexical pitch accent (sometimes called musical accent). It is marked phonetically by the change from a high pitched mora (noted H henceforth) to a low pitched mora (L). The last mora of the word carrying the H tone before the drop towards L is regarded as the accented mora of the word, its prosodic peak, or accent kernel... The lexicon is divided into tonic words... and atonic words... A tonic word contains an HL sequence (in other words, a pitch drop), an atonic word does not (p. 180).""" 0 35.68333333 139.6833333 0 502 Puma pum puma1239 4 28 1 Sharma, Narayan. 2013. Puma phonology: A descriptive analysis. Nepalese Linguistics 28.211–217. “Diphthongs are marginal in Puma. The diphthong /ai/ is more productive compared with others which occurs in about a dozen stems. The diphthongs /ui/, /au/, and /ʌi/ occur only in couple of stems, while /ia/ and /ae/ occur only in each stem” (p. 216). /ʈ, ʈʰ, ɖ, ɖʰ/ are mostly found in Nepali borrowings. 0 27.023365 87.121587 0 503 Balami 4 34 1 Gautam, Bhoj Raj. 2011. Acoustic analysis of the Balami phonemes. MA thesis. Tribhuvan University. A list of licit word-final consonants is not provided, but it is noted that words ending in consonants are very rare. 0 27.784174 85.241728 0 504 Sadri sck sadr1248 3 11 1 Peterson, John; and Savita Kiran. 2011. Sadani / Sadri. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by L.I. Kulikov, T.I. Oranskaya, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 367–379. Jazyki mira 16. Moskva: Academia. The phonemic status of diphthongs is uncertain, and their list is incomplete (“most” diphthongs were also attested in nasalised versions; /V{w,j}/ may also be treated as diphthongs). /au/ and /ʌu/ may be in free variation. 0 23.490174 84.964575 Sadani 0 505 Pahari (Poonch) phr paha1251 3 11 1 Khan, Abdul Qadir. 2013. A Preliminary Study of Pahari and Its Sound System. The Criterion. An International Journal in English 4.1–20. Retroflex stops are presumably reported as alveolars. The presence of low-tone syllables is reported, but no phonemic analysis is given. 0 34.112529 73.498058 Pahari-Pothwari 0 506 Western Pahari (Kvar) 3 11 1 Jouanne, Thomas. 2014. A Preliminary Analysis of the Phonological System of the Western Pahāṛī Language of Kvār. University of Oslo MA thesis. Presence of diphthongs is acknowledged, but no list is given; /w/ and /j/ are treated as parts of diphthongs. Presence of lexical tones is hypothesised. No words consisting of a single non-diphthongoid vowel were recorded. 0 31.213737 78.092044 Kvari 0 507 Bhadarwahi bhd bhad1241 3 11 1 Dwivedi, Amitabh Vikram. 2015. Bhadarwahi: A Typological Sketch. Acta Linguistica Asiatica 5.125–148. doi:10.4312/ala.5.1.125–148. The inventory of nasal vowels and initial clusters may be incomplete. The status of vowel sequences is not analysed. 0 32.98153 75.711032 0 508 Kinnauri kjo hari1246 3 11 1 Kumar, Ajesh; and Saramma Bezily. 2015. Kinnauri Pahari: phonemic summary. KMLSM & NLCI. Some voiceless aspirated stops vary freely with fricatives, particularly in non-initial environments. /dz/ is mostly realized as /z/. 0 31.563149 78.418467 0 509 Sinhala sin sinh1246 3 11 1 Chandralal, Dileep. 2010. Sinhala. Amsterdam ; Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Q = obstruent. /f/ and /əː/ are found only in English loans; /ʃ/, with one exception, also appears in loans, mostly from Sanskrit. /p/ is often substituted for /f/; /s/ is sometimes substituted for /ʃ/. An indication is given that geminated intervocalic consonants may be phonemic, but no supporting evidence is provided. Prenasalised stops are distinctive intervocalically: taⁿbə ‘copper’ vs. tambə ‘boil’. Initial clusters are found in borrowed words, but they tend to be broken up or prothesised. “However, the nasal plus stop (voiced or voiceless) clusters do not appear simplified” (p. 34). “Although some provincial dialects have distinctive tone patterns, the functional load of the overall accent is insignificant” (p. 37). 0 6.93614 79.925136 Sinhalese 0 510 Siraiki skr sera1259 3 11 1 Shackle, Christopher. 1976. The Siraiki languages of central Pakistan. A reference grammar. London: School of Oriental and African Studies. /ɪʌ/ occurs in loans. Triphthongs were analysed as combinations of diphthongs and simple vowels. The inventory of diphthongs may be incomplete. “There is a weak homorganic nasal glide after nasalised peripheral [a, e, æ, i, u, o] vowels and before plosives” (p. 17). Nasalised dipthongs are nasalised throughout. /ɽ̃/ is phonemically treated as /ɳ/, but is described as a nasalised flap phonetically. sC initial clusters appear in loans. “The tonic syllable is distinguished principally by length from its neighbours, either by the lengthening of peripheral vowels or by the gemination of consonants following centralised vowels” (p. 28). 0 30.185166 71.483736 Saraiki 0 511 Awadhi awa awad1243 3 11 1 Kogan, A.I. 2011. Awadhi jazyk. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by T.I. Oranskaya, Yu.V. Mazurova, A.A. Kibrik, L.I. Kulikov, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 105–119. Moskva: Academia. /i̥, u̥, e̥/ are “murmured”. 0 27.774827 80.395996 0 512 Braj bra braj1242 3 11 1 Kogan, A.I. 2011. Bradzh jazyk. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by T.I. Oranskaya, Yu.V. Mazurova, A.A. Kibrik, L.I. Kulikov, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 119–131. Moskva: Academia. /ɽ/ is listed in parentheses in the phonemic table without any comments. 0 27.32639 77.818858 0 513 Banjari lmn lamb1269 3 11 1 Krasa, D. 2011. Bandzhari/lambadi jazyk. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by T.I. Oranskaya, Yu.V. Mazurova, A.A. Kibrik, L.I. Kulikov, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 139–164. Moskva: Academia. The speakers of Banjari enjoy a very wide geographic distribution across India, which makes any chosen reference geographical point rather uninformative. The majority of Banjari speakers live in Andhra-Pradesh. Some local varieties have /ai, aĩ, ə, eːː, oːː/. “Most frequent” syllabic templates are V, VC, CV, and CVC. /q, ɣ, χ, z, f/ are found in Arabo-Persian loans. 0 15.793979 77.13871 Lambadi 0 514 Domaaki dmk doma1260 3 11 1 Vajnraih, M. 2011. Domaaki jazyk. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by T.I. Oranskaya, Yu.V. Mazurova, A.A. Kibrik, L.I. Kulikov, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 165–194. Moskva: Academia. The Doom came to their present area 200–300 years ago from Northern India. Phonemic status of vowel length has not been established. A diphthong /au/ may also be part of the inventory. /ʐʲ/ is mostly found in Burushaski borrowings. There are grammatical tonal alternations, but no examples of lexical distinctions are given. 0 36.313273 74.655221 0 515 Bangani bang1335 3 11 1 Tsoller, K.P. 2011. Bangani jazyk. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by T.I. Oranskaya, Yu.V. Mazurova, A.A. Kibrik, L.I. Kulikov, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 219-262. Moskva: Academia. Phonemic status of vowel length is not settled. Aspirated voiced stops are found only in archaic poetic language. /pʰ/ is sometimes realised as /f/. Bangani is a tonal language, but no details as to the number and properties of tones are provided. 0 30.324788 78.033959 0 516 Bote bmj bote1238 3 11 1 Prasajn, B.; T. Poudel; and J.P. Jadav. 2011. Bote jazyk. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by T.I. Oranskaya, Yu.V. Mazurova, A.A. Kibrik, L.I. Kulikov, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 282–291. Moskva: Academia. The phonemic status of diphthongs is not settled. 0 27.5126 84.337548 Bote-Majhi 0 517 Danuwar dhw koch1253 3 11 1 Bhandari, Bh.; G. Bandzhade.; and J.P. Yadav. 2011. Danuvar jazyk. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by T.I. Oranskaya, Yu.V. Mazurova, A.A. Kibrik, L.I. Kulikov, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 282–291. Moskva: Academia. The source states that the described variety is spoken in the village Kvar (Квар), which we could not locate. Glottolog coordinates are adopted. Nasalised vowels are mostly found in borrowings. Phonemic /ʈ, ʈʰ/ are found in Nepali borrowings but are in free variation with dentals in native vocabulary. Suprasegmental phenomena in Dunwar have not been investigated. 0 27.09 85.91 Danuwar Rai 0 518 Darai dry dara1250 3 11 1 Dhakal, D.N.; and J.P. Yadav. 2011. Darai jazyk. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by T.I. Oranskaya, Yu.V. Mazurova, A.A. Kibrik, L.I. Kulikov, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 282–291. Moskva: Academia. 0 27.685683 84.19279 0 519 Kumal kra kumh1238 3 11 1 Gautam, Bh.L.; K.P. Paradzhuli.; and J.P. Yadav. 2011. Kumal jazyk. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by T.I. Oranskaya, Yu.V. Mazurova, A.A. Kibrik, L.I. Kulikov, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 305–310. Moskva: Academia. 0 27.797374 83.805003 Kumhali 0 520 Magahi mag maga1260 3 11 1 Varma, Sh. 2011. Magahi jazyk. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by T.I. Oranskaya, Yu.V. Mazurova, A.A. Kibrik, L.I. Kulikov, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 351–367. Moskva: Academia. 0 25.136831 85.355063 Magadhi 0 521 Hindko (Northern) hno nort2662 3 11 1 Rehman, H.; and M.A. Robinson. 2011. Hindko jazyk. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by T.I. Oranskaya, Yu.V. Mazurova, A.A. Kibrik, L.I. Kulikov, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 527–537. Moskva: Academia. Long variants of /ɐ, ɑ/ are not listed in the table but in the text it is said that all vowels except /o/ have long variants. 0 34.237622 73.229098 0 522 Saurashtra saz saur1248 3 11 1 Smit, Ya.R. 2011. Saurashtra jazyk. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by T.I. Oranskaya, Yu.V. Mazurova, A.A. Kibrik, L.I. Kulikov, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 584–595. Moskva: Academia. /f, æ/ are found in English borrowings. 0 9.93117 78.124027 0 523 Lomavren rmi loma1235 3 11 1 Voskanjan, V.S. 2011. Lomavren jazyk. Novyje indoarijskije jazyki, ed. by T.I. Oranskaya, Yu.V. Mazurova, A.A. Kibrik, L.I. Kulikov, and A.Yu. Rusakov, 811–818. Moskva: Academia. Syllabic structure has not been investigated. 0 40.947831 43.574692 0 524 Wadiyari kxp wadi1248 3 11 1 Zubair, Saeed. 2016. A Phonological Description of Wadiyari, a Language Spokenin Pakistan. Chiang Mai: Payap University MA thesis. Only male speakers were recruited for the study. /f/ is found in loanwords from Sindhi, Urdu, and English. 0 25.320446 68.975611 Wadiyara Koli 0 525 Afghanistan Arabic afgh1238 17 112 1 Ingham, Bruce. 2006. Afghanistan Arabic. Kees Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Vol. 1. Brill: Leiden; Boston. 28–35. "The coordinates are highly uncertain and reference what is presumably another Arabic-speaking village in the same region (Yakhdan instead of Xoshalabad). The true coordinates will hopefully become available when the Linguistic Atlas of Afghanistan (https://www.philology.no/ala) is finally published. /v/ alternates with /ʋ/. /ʁ/ is sometimes pronounced as /ɢ/ when word initial. In the table, ""voiced uvular plosive"" is denoted by ""q"". /ts/ is sometimes found as a reflex of /tˤ/, which has mostly turned into /t/." 0 35.731032 68.333712 0 526 Baghdad Arabic (Muslim) ayp nort3142 17 112 1 Abu-Haidar, Farida. 2006. Baghdad Arabic. Kees Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Vol. 1. Brill: Leiden; Boston. 222–231. "Interdentals /θ ð/ and /ʔ/ are retained in borrowings from Standard Arabic. /p v/ occur in loans. /eː/ is sometimes realised as /ie/, which is ""more common in the speech of women and men of rural origin"". Etymological /aj aw/ were contracted to /eː oː/; status of new diphthongoidal combinations is uncertain." 0 33.311034 44.390918 0 527 Gulf Arabic (Al-Ahsa) afb alha1242 17 112 1 Prochazka, Theodore, Jr. 1988. The spoken Arabic of Abū Thōr in Al-Ḥasa. Zeitschrift für Arabische Linguistik. 18. 59–76. """The vowel _i_ is realized most often as shwa [ə], sometimes is [u] in the vicinity of labial consonants"" (p. 60)." 0 25.413461 49.720575 0 528 Omani Arabic (Northern) acx oman1239 17 112 1 Eades, Domenyk. 2009. Enam Al-Wer and Rudolf de Jong (eds.) Arabic Dialectology. In honour of Clive Holes on the Occasion of his Sixtieth Birthday. Brill: Leiden; Boston. 77–98. The palatal plosive /ɟ/ is in free variation with [dʒ] (etymological variant), which is especially common after nasals. In most neighbouring (sedentary) dialects, it was replaced with /g/. [u] is user to break final clusters with /r/. 0 22.920247 57.790937 Shawawi Arabic 0 529 Bahraini Arabic (Shi'a) abv baha1259 17 112 1 Prochazka, Theodore. 1981. The Šīˁī dialects of Bahrain and their relationship to the Eastern Arabian dialect of Muḥarraq and the Oman dialect of al-Ristāq. Zeitschrift für Arabische Linguistik 6. 16–55. 0 26.218051 50.46517 0 530 San’ani Arabic ayn sana1295 17 112 1 Watson, Janet C.E. 2002. The phonology and morphology of Arabic. Oxford University Press. /lˤ/ is found only in the word 'God' and derivatives. 0 15.330718 44.207134 0 531 Dhofari Arabic adf dhof1235 17 112 1 Davey, Richard J. 2013. Coastal Dhofārī Arabic: a sketch grammar. MA thesis. University of Manchester. /ʒ lˤ/ are marginal. The latter is only found in the word for God. Historical diphthongs /aj aw/ can appear in formal speech. 0 17.039944 54.115514 0 532 Palestinian Arabic (Rural) ajp sout3123 17 112 1 Shahin, Kimary N. 2008. Palestinian Arabic. Kees Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Vol. 3. Brill: Leiden; Boston. 526–538. A – approximant 0 31.968586 35.361649 0 533 Beirut Arabic apc sunn1238 17 112 1 Naïm, Samia. 2006. Beirut Arabic. Kees Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Vol. 1. Brill: Leiden; Boston. 274–286. Initial homorganic clusters assimilated to geminated consonants with an ultra-short prothetic vowel. In final position, two-consonant clusters are split with an /ᵊ/ before a pause. 0 33.889285 35.496557 0 534 Meccan Arabic acw hija1235 17 112 1 Abu-Mansour, Mahasen Hasan. 2008. Meccan Arabic. Kees Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Vol. 3. Brill: Leiden; Boston. 179–187. Word-final clusters are split by an epenthetic vowel when they do not obey the sonority-hierarchy principle. The only minimal pair for /lˤ/ is walˤlˤa 'by God' vs walla 'or else'. 0 21.408913 39.852967 0 535 Cypriot Maronite Arabic acy cypr1248 17 112 1 Borg, Alexander. 2006. Cypriot Maronite Arabic. Kees Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Vol. 1. Brill: Leiden; Boston. 536–543. 0 35.339044 33.004077 0 536 Negev Arabic avl sout3112 17 112 1 Henkin, Roni. 2008. Negev Arabic. Kees Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Vol. 3. Brill: Leiden; Boston. 360–369. "N -- sonorant. Initial NC clusters obtain a prothetic vowel. Word-final CC clusters are usually broken up. Diphthongs are stable only in the speech of the older generation. A rare note on mutual intelligibility: ""Today it is an isolated, peripheral minority dialect, not spoken and barely understood elsewhere within the contemporary political boundaries.""" 0 31.385707 34.758468 0